Since 2004, former Democratic presidential candidate,
John Edwards, campaigned across the U.S. with a simple message: that there are essentially
“two Americas,”
separated by a chasm of inequality, defined largely by race
and class. It was a truthful message that the vast majority
of Americans didn’t want to acknowledge, or even hear. Yet the
larger meaning of Edwards’ message may be more significant to
the future of U.S. politics, than even the historic presidential
campaign of Barack Obama.
Americans are reinforced to believe that individuals
are largely in control of their own destiny. Hard work, sacrifice,
and personal effort, we are told, determine what happens to
us. But increasingly, the fundamental institutions of American
society function unfairly, restricting access and opportunity
for millions of people. The greatest example of this is the
present-day criminal justice system.
Let us start with the basic facts. As of 2008,
one out of every one hundred American adults is living behind
bars. According to a December 2007 study of the American Civil
Liberties Union, “Race and Ethnicity in America,”
in the past thirty years there has been a 500 percent increase
in the number of Americans behind bars, amounting to 2.2 million
people, which represent 25 percent of the world’s prison population.
This prison population is disproportionately black and brown.
As of 2006, the U.S. penal population was 46 percent white, 41
percent African American, and 19 percent Latino. In practical
terms, by 2001, about one out of every six African-American
males had experienced jail or imprisonment. Based on current
trends, over one out of three black men will experience imprisonment
during their lives.
There
is overwhelming evidence that the overrepresentation of blacks
in prisons is largely due to discrimination in every phase of
the criminal justice system. According to the 2007 ACLU study,
for example, African Americans comprised 11 percent of Texas’ population, but 40 percent of the state’s
prisoners. Blacks in Texas are incarcerated at roughly five times the rate of whites. Despite
the fact that blacks statistically represent fewer than 10 percent
of drug abusers, in Texas
50 percent of all prisoners incarcerated in state prisons and
two-thirds of all those in jails for “drug delivery offenses”
are African Americans.
A similar pattern is found within the juvenile
justice system. According to the 2007 ACLU study, African-American
youth amount to 15 percent of all American juveniles. However,
they represent 26 percent of all juveniles who are arrested
by the police nationwide. They are 58 percent of all youth who
are sentenced to serve time in state prisons. In California,
Latino youth are two times more likely than whites to be sentenced
to prison; for African-American youth in California,
it is six times the incarceration rate.
What are the practical political consequences
of the mass incarceration of black Americans? In New York State, for example, the prison populations play a significant role
in how some state legislative districts are drawn up. In New
York’s 45th senatorial district, located in the extreme northern
corner of upstate New York, there are thirteen state prisons, with 14,000 prisoners,
all of whom are counted as residents. Prisoners in New York are disenfranchised – they cannot vote
– yet their numbers help to create a Republican state senatorial
district. These “prison districts” now exist all over the United
States.
The most obscene dimension of the national compulsion
to incarcerate has been the deliberate criminalization of young
black people, with the construction of a “school-to-prison pipeline.”
Under the cover of “zero tolerance” for all forms
of “disobedience,” too many school administrators are aggressively
and unfairly removing black youth from schools. Statistically,
African-American youths are two to three times more likely than
whites to be suspended, and far more likely to be corporally
punished or expelled. According to the ACLU’s study, “nationally,
African American students comprise 17 percent of the student
population, but account for 36 percent of school suspensions
and 31 percent of expulsions. In New
Jersey, for instance, black students are nearly 60 times more
likely to be expelled than their white counterparts. In Iowa, blacks make up just 5 percent of the statewide public school
enrollment, but account for 22 percent of suspensions.” Too
many black children are taught at an early age that their only
future resides in a prison or jail.
Meanwhile, state after state is reducing its
investments in education, while expanding its expenditures in
correctional facilities. According to the Chronicle of Higher Education
(March 14, 2008), between 1987 and 2007, states spent an average
of a 21 percent increase on higher education, but expanded their
corrections budgets by an average of 127 percent. Today, for
the first time in recent history, there are now five states
that spend more state money on prisons than on public colleges
– Connecticut, Delaware, Michigan, Oregon, and Vermont. The ugly tradeoff not to educate but to
incarcerate continues.
If you send us an e-Mail
message we may publish all or part of it, unless you
tell us it is not for publication. You may also request
that we withhold your name.