The corporate Right has succeeded in establishing a “coalition
of the willing” within the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), as
shown by last week’s votes on bankruptcy and estate tax legislation.
The defection of ten
of 41 voting CBC members to the Republicans on bankruptcy, and
eight
on repeal of the estate tax signals that corporate-controlled
membership in the CBC has reached critical mass, encouraging members
who are not part of the Caucus’s conservative core group to betray
their constituencies, as well.
"The G.O.P. is practicing Robin Hood in reverse," said
Rep. John Conyers Jr. (MI), after last week’s lopsided Democratic
defeats. "Last night they repealed the estate tax, a gift
to the wealthiest individuals in our society. Today they pushed
through the special-interest bankruptcy bill, punishing the very
poorest members of society.” But Conyers’ critique should apply
with doubly damning effect to fellow Caucus members, including
three who are also members of the Progressive Congressional Caucus
but voted with Republicans on one or the other measure.
The growing rot in the CBC must be viewed in the context of massive
corporate intervention in Black electoral politics, conceived
in rightwing think tanks in the mid-90s and emerging full-blown
in the 2002 election cycle, when Denise Majette (GA), David Scott
(GA), and Artur Davis (AL) won congressional seats. That’s also
the year when rightwing apprentice Cory Booker nearly captured
City Hall in Newark, New Jersey. Although public attention has
focused on the Bush administration’s faith-based bribes to woo
Black preachers to the GOP, the far more dangerous prong of the
offensive aims to subvert Black Democrats from within. Corporate
funding and media support have been placed at the disposal of
Black Democrats who “leave the reservation,” so to speak – i.e.,
those who reject, at least selectively, the historical Black Political
Consensus. Barely three years after the corporate intervention
was launched (see ,
April 5, 2002),
it is bearing strange, mutant fruit in the heartland of the Black
polity. The looming dissolution of the Congressional Black Caucus
as a cohesive political force seems well underway.
Voting with the enemy
The ten Black lawmakers who helped the credit card companies
feel positively “giddy,” as the New York Times put it, include
the Hard Core Four: Blue Dog Harold
Ford, Jr. (TN) and Artur Davis (AL), who, along with Gregory
Meeks (NY) carried the bankruptcy banner
for the Democratic Leadership Council (DLC); Blue Dog Sanford
Bishop (GA); and the absolutely Worst Black Congressperson (see
,
March 31,
2005) Blue Dog-DLCer David Scott (GA).
Also among the Republican fellow-travelers were William Jefferson
(LA), who is not a member of the DLC or Blue Dogs, but often votes
like it, and DLCer Albert Wynn (MD). (Wynn, along with Ford, Bishop
and Jefferson, were among the Four
Eunuchs of the Caucus that voted to give George Bush his Iraq
War Powers, in October, 2002.)
Florida’s Kendrick Meek, who flirts with the Right on occasion,
made common cause with conservatives on bankruptcy, as did freshman
Houston Congressman Al Green.
Emanuel Cleaver, a first term congressman and former mayor of
Kansas City, was one of only two members of the Progressive Caucus
– and the only Black – to vote for the bankruptcy bill. Eighteen
African American lawmakers also belong to the 50-plus member Progressive
Congressional Caucus.
Each of the Hard Core Four most consistent Black sell-outs on
Capitol Hill – Davis (AL), Ford (TN), Bishop (GA) and Scott (GA)
– hails from among the ten states that are hardest hit by bankruptcy.
But every Black lawmaker that voted for the Republican measure
has, in fact, sided with the predatory lenders that besiege African
American neighborhoods. According to a study by the National Community
Reinvestment Coalition (NCRC),
about 29 percent of African Americans resort to high-cost loans
when buying or refinancing their homes – vastly increasing their
future risk of bankruptcy. Map overlays provided by the journal
Southern Studies show that concentrations of predatory lending
facilities hug closely to the contours of Black neighborhoods
in Atlanta
and Charlotte,
for example.
On the most fundamental level, the cleavage in the Black Caucus
shows the power of corporate money to erode notions of fairness
– a rejection of privilege – that are central to the historical
Black Political Consensus.
"The essential philosophical and political divide over the
bankruptcy bill boils down to whether you see filing for bankruptcy
as a right or a privilege," John D. McMickle, a former the
bankruptcy lawyer for the Senate Judiciary Committee told the
Washington
Post. "The new law makes bankruptcy a privilege reserved
only for people who can prove they can't repay their debts."
If nothing else, African Americans expect that their representatives
will stand against the privileges of wealth – which, in the United
States, are nearly inseparable from white privilege. Instead,
ten members of the Congressional Black Caucus sided with finance
capital, and against fairness for their constituents and stability
for their neighborhoods.
Congressional delinquents
Even more than the treatment of people facing bankruptcy, the
estate tax is a bedrock issue that separates those who seek social
justice from the forces that would reinforce rigid societal stratification.
Eight Black Caucus members joined the Walton
family, owners of Wal-Mart, in favor of projecting family
wealth and class privilege into the far horizons. Depressingly,
two additional lawmakers who share Black and Progressive Caucus
membership voted to repeal the estate tax: William “Lacy” Clay
(MO) and Sheila Jackson-Lee (TX). They were joined by CBC members
Edolphus Towns (NY), freshman G.K. Butterfield (NC), and four
of the lawmakers who also voted for the bankruptcy bill: Jefferson
(LA), Bishop (GA), Scott (GA) and Wynn (MD) – last week’s grand-slam
betrayers.
Oddly enough, two of the Caucus’s Hard Core Four – Tennessee’s
Harold Ford, Jr. and Alabama’s Artur Davis – voted against estate
tax repeal, as did bankruptcy bill supporters Gregory Meeks (NY),
Kendrick Meek (FL), Al Green (TX) and Emanuel Cleaver (MO).
However, it must be noted that less than a decade ago, only one
Caucus member would have been expected to help insulate the power
of inherited wealth: Rev. Floyd Flake, who represented a Queens,
New York district for six terms (1986-1997). Flake stuck out like
a sore thumb as the CBC’s most conservative member. He is now
a key player in the national Right network, a school privatization
profiteer with the title of Senior Fellow at the Manhattan
Institute. As such, Flake is a full-time operative in the
corporate machine that is driving the rightward tilt among Black
politicians – not to be confused with the political leanings of
the Black electorate, who remain substantially supportive of the
historical Black Political Consensus on issues of social justice,
racial progress, the obligations of state and federal government,
and peace.
In a dizzyingly short span of time, we have seen the Congressional
Black Caucus’s near-unanimity on fundamental issues held dear
by the vast majority of African Americans, crumble. This crisis
in Black leadership is the result of a sea-change on the Right
which –steeped historically in reflexive racism – only about a
decade ago finally came to the realization that an alternative
Black Democratic leadership might be created through the
power of money. The awful crack in the Caucus is proof that the
Right’s strategy is working – they are cutting through
the CBC like butter, and that is only the most dramatic manifestation
of the all-out assault on the Black Political Consensus.
It is not due to the charismatic force of their personalities
that three of the Hard Core Four (Ford, Davis and Scott) are second,
third and fourth, respectively, in corporate contributions (see
Techpolitics.org),
followed by Louisiana’s William Jefferson, supporter of the bankruptcy
bill, estate tax repeal, and Bush’s Iraq War Powers.
“Bright lines” must be drawn delineating acceptable political
behavior in Black America. Locating the boundaries of such behavior
is not difficult: the Black Political Consensus is based on shared
history and experience, and it is only in the last few years that
corporate America has moved decisively to induce Black politicians
to violate the basic tenets of the Consensus. However, it must
be recognized that we live in a brand new Black political environment,
recently imposed by corporate capital. There will never again
be near-unanimity within the Congressional Black Caucus on issues
fundamental to a progressive agenda, unless and until mechanisms
are forged that punish betrayal and reward the righteous. That
means, among many other things, money – and certainly not
funding from the likes of BET’s Bob Johnson, George Bush’s Black
point man on repeal of the estate tax and Social Security privatization.
There is a generation’s worth of work ahead.
Co-Publishers Glen Ford and Peter Gamble are working on a book
to be titled, Barack Obama and the Crisis of Black Leadership.
In future issues, they will explore Black progressive empowerment
strategies.