Over the past
few months President Bush and the Republican Party have been
making blatant efforts
to court African American voters through black churches. But like
the European slavers of old trading guns and rum to African kings
for enslaving their own, Republicans offer only disaster. The
GOP’s questionable attempts to recast themselves as the abolitionist’s
party of civil rights run contrary to their historical record and
modern reality. While the Republican Party of Abraham Lincoln
was the party for abolition and Reconstruction, it was a very different
party than today’s. The Republican Party of Richard Nixon, Strom
Thurmond and Newt Gingrich was forged in large part during the
late 60s out of white fears and frustration over the Black Power
revolutionary
spirit, the mandatory implementation of public school integration,
and the so-called “abuses” of the affirmative action system.
Republicans today have skillfully managed
these fears, and others, to rally large swaths of working class
Americans against the
manufactured boogiemen of the “liberal elite” and their “PC Police.” Nonetheless,
Republicans today are still fundamentally the guardians of wealth
and privilege. Though they have learned the language of populism,
their war against “big government” is really only an attempt
to derail and strip away regulations that protect consumers from
predatory corporate practices, and supports that seek to protect
working people from the most unpredictable financial storms. The
sheer weight of the critiques against Republican hypocrisy as
they claim to offer us “a new choice,” even while their policy
is hurting increasing numbers of black people everyday, should
be enough to end this discussion. But on a much deeper level
there is a core element to black American identity that should
make the GOP fundamentally distasteful to all within the community.
Black Identity = Black Unity
Though we rightly celebrate the music, art
and religion of African American culture the most profound
and unique aspect of that
culture has always been the primacy of black unity and the drive
to uplift the race. This communal spirit has its origin in our
African heritage, but its development is purely a consequence
of the experience here in the New World. The experience of slavery
was a crucible that melded dozens of tribes: farmers and herders,
kings and peasants, into a single people for whom the only marginal
guarantees in life were one another. In old African communalism
the individual supported the group so that the group could protect
individual interests, as a matter of course, but here in America
this unity became a necessity for survival.
In the 1830, David Walker’s Appeal crystallized
this mutual necessity and its connection to emancipation when
he stated his belief that for freedmen and slaves alike, “our
greatest happiness shall consist in working for the salvation
of our whole body.” This ideal reverberates through Reconstruction,
the civil rights movement and to the present when social and
economic stability is not safe for me and mine, unless it is
safe for all of us. All African Americans have to face this
responsibility to one degree or another, even if only to rail
against it in a search for personal gain. A communal desire
for uplifting the race is an integral to the fabric of the black
experience here in the United States. And while the specific
mechanism for that uplift remains elusive and a matter of debate,
the Republicans' absolute commitment to vastly enriching the
already wealthy at the expense of the poor simply does not mesh
with our most basic values. It seems highly unlikely,
given recent history, that they will now shift their basic philosophy
and policy to honestly represent wider interests than their true
base of “Haves and Have Mores.”
The New Dangers
So far the Democrats have dismissed the ham-handed
appeals to black churches and references to Fredrick Douglass,
the Republican,
as sloppy and ultimately futile. This assessment may be correct,
but the Democrats have excelled at taking the black vote for
granted in recent decades. Conversely, the Republican machine
has demonstrated a remarkable effectiveness at doggedly refining
their message until it strikes a chord. They can read
the demographic writing on the wall and they know to continue
as the “white sanctuary” may soon leave them out of power. And
there are real weaknesses within the black community for them
to exploit.
The education gap between black and white
grows, just as do the disparities in the health and incarceration
rates. Blacks
have seen great strides in the last fifty years, but today only
a little more than a quarter of African American individuals
can be considered economically
stable. The black
unemployment rate stands just below 11%, nearly double the
national average. This means the vast majority of black families
are living hand to mouth, paycheck-to-paycheck, and struggling
for daily survival. This exposes us like never before to the
two-pronged assault the Republicans have waged on White America
for thirty years. They offer, on one side, the promise of greater
personal riches to those already wealthy, and on the other a
smokescreen of “culture wars” for those leaning heavily on the
church to find some certainty in uncertain times.
The goal of greater personal wealth is naturally
universal. One
can preach to the sky for unity, rights, and generosity of spirit,
but it all carries little weight if the preacher and congregation
remain hungry. However, in struggling black neighborhoods, it
is equally important to understand the value of community because
individual wealth can mean little if one’s neighbors starve. This
reflects the very concrete security threat posed when an individual
prospers while everyone around him is left to want. For those
who have moved to more comfortable, physically safer surroundings,
it can be hard to appreciate this reality experienced in impoverished
ghettoes, just as one tends to forget how cold it is outside
after just a few minutes inside the warmth. And yet, even in
predominantly black areas it is increasingly difficult for many
in the younger generations to respect the importance of communal
growth while constantly bombarded by the “Just tryin’ to get
mine,” mercenary rhetoric from prominent stars Jay-Z, 50-Cents,
and others, who clearly get an inordinate share of media hype
and radio play.
Into this bizarre mix steps George W. Bush,
who seemingly raised the glass ceiling by promoting African
Americans like Colin Powell
and Condoleezza Rice to unprecedented high profile positions. But
Colin Powell’s term as Secretary of State is a perfect illustration
of what a Devil’s deal this is. Once respected for his integrity
and self-direction within the restrictive military culture, his
service to President Bush’s banner left him ignored, disregarded,
and generally irrelevant if not disgraced. The image of Powell
holding “evidence” of Iraq’s WMD program, as he stridently argued
the case to the UN for an invasion contrary to his beliefs, remains
a symbol of the Bush Administration forever etched in the collective
consciousness. Yet the siren song grows louder and more persistent.
The Republicans’ most successful infiltration of
the black community has been through churches via the gay marriage
issue. This track
seemed to win many of George Bush’s black votes in the last election,
and it is as disheartening as it is shortsighted. A group as
historically subjugated and maligned as ours cannot discriminate
against others in such a way. That is simple golden rule human
decency. Furthermore, only about 4% of the nation’s nearly 38
million black Americans could be liberally estimated to be homosexual, while
around 50% of all black households are run by single
parents. Taken together those two facts alone demonstrate
that, whatever one’s opinion of gay marriage, to believe it has
any significant impact on the general population’s marriage rate
is so naïve that it borders on insanity. African Americans
face enough economic, health and social challenges that affect
every one of us, if only through our extended families, that
wasting even one moment worrying about homosexuals marrying is
a step backward.
That black people are often fiscally and
culturally conservative has little to do with this discussion. How could a people who
have traditionally so little to risk be otherwise? Despite the
communal attitude, we are clearly not as monolithic as the term, “the
Black vote,” implies. Contrary to popularly promoted ideas of “keepin’ it
real” blackness, we need to widen our appreciation for the broad
range that has always existed in the black community. And yet,
while differences are real and necessary, to not recognize
the true emptiness of the Republican promise is to court collective
destruction.
The current debate over Social Security is
a perfect illustration. President
Bush argues that African Americans should support privatization
because we don’t live as long, and therefore should be able to
cash in, before we check
out. Never-mind the fact that the extreme differences in
black and white life expectancy are largely due to differing infant
mortality rates, the
Republicans never seem to ask why blacks die earlier, and thus
prove themselves to be heinously out of touch with the problems
that face so many black people. To support those who so grossly
misrespond to the hard situation facing so many – cutting community
development projects, basic food and medical assistance to the
poor, and spending ever more to incarcerate than to educate us – is
as out-of-touch as it is dangerous.
Without question, individuals can succeed
financially and politically following the Republican call,
but that success provides no security
as to the success of their children or extended relations. A
black individual can live their whole life trying to ignore the
wider problems of the community as a whole, but like it or not,
their children will have to deal with that black community. And
if we don’t improve, as a community, the way we view education,
health, finance, even citizenship, all of our children will continually
have to succeed despite their community’s influence, not because
of it. The whole cannot succeed without the commitment of successful
individuals, but in the long run, the reverse is also true.
So Why Bother?
The larger political threat to black people
is giving into the despair that we are always forced to choose
between “Satan or
Satan,” when nothing ever changes in our neighborhoods. That
feeling is widespread, and in some ways justifiable. But it
is also shortsighted. Black Americans are no longer the largest
minority voting block and without active work and vocal voting
our collective voice will be even further marginalized, thus
making it that much more difficult for the many blacks to get
out of grinding poverty.
Is the answer then to happily close ranks,
and blindly vote election after election for Democrats, regardless
of what they
say or do? Clearly that isn’t effective. What would be effective,
however, is if we all took larger roles in building and directing
coalitions that can work to achieve our goals. In this endeavor
we have few (read: two) choices: the Republicans and the Democrats. In
one we have a party that, at its core, supports the individual
enrichment of the powerful and the privileged. On the other,
we have a party that has struggled, if imperfectly, to build
a system that allows every individual to flourish, by rewarding
hard work with the security that even in unforeseen hard times
does not mean poverty and failure.
Post-election 2004, the Democratic Party
is in upheaval and there is a real chance that its grassroots,
progressive wing
can reestablish it as the party of the everyman. Black people
need to be confidently motivated, organized and engaged if we
want to be influential under this new Big Tent. This is not
a short-term project, nor is it one in which we can simply dictate
terms. But it is infinitely better to make small concessions
to find common ground, than to sacrifice the most basic tenets
that brought us through so much adversity.
We stand today at a precarious place. The Republicans
seem to be offering to those few successes the final opportunity
to
assimilate into the American power structure. The price is to
simply deny the struggle we have fought, for centuries, together. It
is like being offered the role of Cain. When we wonder what
will happen to those left behind, the Clarence Thomases and Armstrong
Williamses, who have already joined the Republican ranks, seem
to ask, “Am I my brother’s keeper?” The rest of us must emphatically
answer these brother killers, “Yes, you should be!” We
cannot accept this call to stop being “Black and just be American.” That
is a false choice. We are American. Though it is often
hostile territory, this country is our home as much as anyone
else and it wouldn’t be what it is today without our blood sweat
and tears. It is our right, and our duty, to not rest until
we fulfill the dreams and sacrifices of our forefathers, to make
sure all our brothers and sisters have a chance to experience
America’s promise.
Troy Peters is a Policy Fellow at the Campaign
for America’s Future, a progressive political institute
based in Washington, DC. He recently returned from volunteering
with the Peace Corps in Niger, West Africa, and can be reached
at [email protected]