Over the past few months
President Bush and the Republican Party have been making blatant efforts
to court African American voters through black churches. But like
the European slavers of old trading guns and rum to African kings for
enslaving their own, Republicans offer only disaster. The GOP’s questionable
attempts to recast themselves as the abolitionist’s party of civil
rights run contrary to their historical record and modern reality. While
the Republican Party of Abraham Lincoln was the party for abolition
and Reconstruction, it was a very different party than today’s. The
Republican Party of Richard Nixon, Strom Thurmond and Newt Gingrich
was forged in large part during the late 60s out of white fears and
frustration over the Black Power revolutionary spirit, the mandatory
implementation of public school integration, and the so-called “abuses” of
the affirmative action system.
Republicans today have skillfully managed these fears, and others,
to rally large swaths of working class Americans against the manufactured
boogiemen of the “liberal elite” and their “PC Police.” Nonetheless,
Republicans today are still fundamentally the guardians of wealth
and privilege. Though they have learned the language of populism,
their war against “big government” is really only an attempt to derail
and strip away regulations that protect consumers from predatory
corporate practices, and supports that seek to protect working people
from the most unpredictable financial storms. The sheer weight of
the critiques against Republican hypocrisy as they claim to offer
us “a new choice,” even while their policy is hurting increasing
numbers of black people everyday, should be enough to end this discussion. But
on a much deeper level there is a core element to black American
identity that should make the GOP fundamentally distasteful to all
within the community.
Black Identity = Black Unity
Though we rightly celebrate the music, art and religion of African
American culture the most profound and unique aspect of that culture
has always been the primacy of black unity and the drive to uplift
the race. This communal spirit has its origin in our African heritage,
but its development is purely a consequence of the experience here
in the New World. The experience of slavery was a crucible that
melded dozens of tribes: farmers and herders, kings and peasants,
into a single people for whom the only marginal guarantees in life
were one another. In old African communalism the individual supported
the group so that the group could protect individual interests, as
a matter of course, but here in America this unity became a necessity
for survival.
In the 1830, David Walker’s Appeal crystallized
this mutual necessity and its connection to emancipation when he
stated
his belief that for freedmen and slaves alike, “our greatest happiness
shall consist in working for the salvation of our whole body.” This
ideal reverberates through Reconstruction, the civil rights movement
and to the present when social and economic stability is not safe
for me and mine, unless it is safe for all of us. All African Americans
have to face this responsibility to one degree or another, even if
only to rail against it in a search for personal gain. A communal
desire for uplifting the race is an integral to the fabric of the
black experience here in the United States. And while the specific
mechanism for that uplift remains elusive and a matter of debate,
the Republicans' absolute commitment to vastly enriching the already
wealthy at the expense of the poor simply does not mesh with our most
basic values. It seems highly unlikely, given recent history, that
they will now shift their basic philosophy and policy to honestly
represent wider interests than their true base of “Haves and Have
Mores.”
The New Dangers
So far the Democrats have dismissed the ham-handed appeals to black
churches and references to Fredrick Douglass, the Republican, as
sloppy and ultimately futile. This assessment may be correct, but
the Democrats have excelled at taking the black vote for granted
in recent decades. Conversely, the Republican machine has demonstrated
a remarkable effectiveness at doggedly refining their message until
it strikes a chord. They can read the demographic writing
on the wall and they know to continue as the “white sanctuary” may
soon leave them out of power. And there are real weaknesses within
the black community for them to exploit.
The education gap between black and white grows, just as do the
disparities in the health and incarceration rates. Blacks have seen
great strides in the last fifty years, but today only a little more
than a quarter of African American individuals can be considered
economically
stable. The
black unemployment rate stands just below 11%, nearly double the national average. This means the vast majority of black families
are living hand to mouth, paycheck-to-paycheck, and struggling for
daily survival. This exposes us like never before to the two-pronged
assault the Republicans have waged on White America for thirty years. They
offer, on one side, the promise of greater personal riches to those
already wealthy, and on the other a smokescreen of “culture wars” for
those leaning heavily on the church to find some certainty in uncertain
times.
The goal of greater personal wealth is naturally universal. One
can preach to the sky for unity, rights, and generosity of spirit,
but it all carries little weight if the preacher and congregation
remain hungry. However, in struggling black neighborhoods, it is
equally important to understand the value of community because individual
wealth can mean little if one’s neighbors starve. This reflects
the very concrete security threat posed when an individual prospers
while everyone around him is left to want. For those who have moved
to more comfortable, physically safer surroundings, it can be hard
to appreciate this reality experienced in impoverished ghettoes,
just as one tends to forget how cold it is outside after just a few
minutes inside the warmth. And yet, even in predominantly black
areas it is increasingly difficult for many in the younger generations
to respect the importance of communal growth while constantly bombarded
by the “Just tryin’ to get mine,” mercenary rhetoric from prominent
stars Jay-Z, 50-Cents, and others, who clearly get an inordinate
share of media hype and radio play.
Into this bizarre mix steps George W. Bush, who seemingly raised
the glass ceiling by promoting African Americans like Colin Powell
and Condoleezza Rice to unprecedented high profile positions. But
Colin Powell’s term as Secretary of State is a perfect illustration
of what a Devil’s deal this is. Once respected for his integrity
and self-direction within the restrictive military culture, his service
to President Bush’s banner left him ignored, disregarded, and generally
irrelevant if not disgraced. The image of Powell holding “evidence” of
Iraq’s WMD program, as he stridently argued the case to the UN for
an invasion contrary to his beliefs, remains a symbol of the Bush
Administration forever etched in the collective consciousness. Yet
the siren song grows louder and more persistent.
The Republicans’ most successful infiltration of the black community
has been through churches via the gay marriage issue. This track
seemed to win many of George Bush’s black votes in the last election,
and it is as disheartening as it is shortsighted. A group as historically
subjugated and maligned as ours cannot discriminate against others
in such a way. That is simple golden rule human decency. Furthermore,
only about 4% of the nation’s nearly 38 million black Americans could
be liberally estimated to be homosexual, while
around 50% of all black households are run by single
parents.
Taken together
those two facts alone demonstrate that, whatever one’s opinion of
gay marriage, to believe it has any significant impact on the general
population’s marriage rate is so naïve that it borders on insanity. African
Americans face enough economic, health and social challenges that
affect every one of us, if only through our extended families, that
wasting even one moment worrying about homosexuals marrying is a
step backward.
That black people are often fiscally and culturally conservative
has little to do with this discussion. How could a people who have
traditionally so little to risk be otherwise? Despite the communal
attitude, we are clearly not as monolithic as the term, “the Black
vote,” implies. Contrary to popularly promoted ideas of “keepin’ it
real” blackness, we need to widen our appreciation for the broad
range that has always existed in the black community. And yet, while
differences are real and necessary, to not recognize the true
emptiness of the Republican promise is to court collective destruction.
The current debate over Social Security is a perfect illustration. President
Bush argues that African Americans should support privatization because
we don’t live as long, and therefore should be able to cash in, before
we check
out. Never-mind the fact that the extreme differences
in black and white life expectancy are largely due to differing infant
mortality rates, the
Republicans never seem to ask why blacks die earlier, and thus prove
themselves to be heinously out of touch with the problems that face
so many black people. To support those who so grossly misrespond
to the hard situation facing so many – cutting community development
projects, basic food and medical assistance to the poor, and spending
ever more to incarcerate than to educate us – is as out-of-touch
as it is dangerous.
Without question, individuals can succeed financially and politically
following the Republican call, but that success provides no security
as to the success of their children or extended relations. A black
individual can live their whole life trying to ignore the wider problems
of the community as a whole, but like it or not, their children will
have to deal with that black community. And if we don’t improve,
as a community, the way we view education, health, finance, even
citizenship, all of our children will continually have to succeed
despite their community’s influence, not because of it. The whole
cannot succeed without the commitment of successful individuals,
but in the long run, the reverse is also true.
So Why Bother?
The larger political threat to black people is giving into the despair
that we are always forced to choose between “Satan or Satan,” when
nothing ever changes in our neighborhoods. That feeling is widespread,
and in some ways justifiable. But it is also shortsighted. Black
Americans are no longer the largest minority voting block and without
active work and vocal voting our collective voice will be even further
marginalized, thus making it that much more difficult for the many
blacks to get out of grinding poverty.
Is the answer then to happily close ranks, and blindly vote election
after election for Democrats, regardless of what they say or do? Clearly
that isn’t effective. What would be effective, however, is if we
all took larger roles in building and directing coalitions that can
work to achieve our goals. In this endeavor we have few (read: two)
choices: the Republicans and the Democrats. In one we have a party
that, at its core, supports the individual enrichment of the powerful
and the privileged. On the other, we have a party that has struggled,
if imperfectly, to build a system that allows every individual to
flourish, by rewarding hard work with the security that even in unforeseen
hard times does not mean poverty and failure.
Post-election 2004, the Democratic Party is in upheaval and there
is a real chance that its grassroots, progressive wing can reestablish
it as the party of the everyman. Black people need to be confidently
motivated, organized and engaged if we want to be influential under
this new Big Tent. This is not a short-term project, nor is it one
in which we can simply dictate terms. But it is infinitely better
to make small concessions to find common ground, than to sacrifice
the most basic tenets that brought us through so much adversity.
We stand today at a precarious place. The Republicans seem to be
offering to those few successes the final opportunity to assimilate
into the American power structure. The price is to simply deny the
struggle we have fought, for centuries, together. It is like being
offered the role of Cain. When we wonder what will happen to those
left behind, the Clarence Thomases and Armstrong Williamses, who
have already joined the Republican ranks, seem to ask, “Am I my brother’s
keeper?” The rest of us must emphatically answer these brother killers, “Yes,
you should be!” We cannot accept this call to stop being “Black
and just be American.” That is a false choice. We are American. Though
it is often hostile territory, this country is our home as much as
anyone else and it wouldn’t be what it is today without our blood
sweat and tears. It is our right, and our duty, to not rest until
we fulfill the dreams and sacrifices of our forefathers, to make
sure all our brothers and sisters have a chance to experience America’s
promise.
Troy Peters is a Policy Fellow at the Campaign
for America’s
Future, a progressive political institute based in Washington,
DC. He recently returned from volunteering with the Peace Corps
in Niger, West Africa, and can be reached at [email protected]