Two days after this disturbing
report, US Undersecretary of State Roger Noriega spoke to the American
Enterprise Institute where he said, "Haitians deserve
democracy – and a government that looks out for their interests….
The Bush Administration believes that if we all do our part and
do it right, Haiti will have the democracy it deserves." Currently,
everyone seems to be playing their part extremely well.
This is only the beginning
of the road to democracy that Haiti "deserves."
Some of the real motivation
behind the recent US-led overthrow of President Aristide is emerging
as US policymakers and their corporate henchmen hatch plans to
put Haiti in the fiscal vice grip of neoliberalism. According to
Noriega, these plans would fall under the third of the "Principles
of US Engagement in Haiti," which will see the US government
encouraging "the Government of Haiti to move forward, at the
appropriate time, with restructuring and privatization of some
public sector enterprises."
If anyone had doubts about
whether or not Aristide was cow-towing enough to the United States
and its imposition of neoliberal stratagem, one need only look
at how quickly the interim government, in lockstep with the US
and elements of the Haitian Diaspora, are looking to fast-track
this neoliberal stranglehold on the country now that he's gone.
Clearly, Aristide was seen as some sort of barrier to US-style
neoliberalism, which cannot tolerate any barriers to its advances.
The US stratagem appears
to be taking shape around the proposed Hero Act legislation, introduced
into the Senate in February of 2003 by Mike Dewine (R-OH), and
co-sponsored in the House by prominent Congressional Black
Caucus members. While the CBC are demanding an investigation into
Aristide's departure, they have yet to issue a statement concerning
the new status of the Hero Act. The impression conveyed by one
CBC staffer was that the Hero Act, as it is now being trumpeted,
has taken on a completely different character.
During his recent trip
to Haiti, Colin Powell plugged the Hero Act in an interview
with elite-owned Radio Metropole: "We have the Hero Act before
Congress now...We would like to see the Act passed and I will be
examining and discussing it this week with our Congress."
This same day interim
Prime Minister Gerard Latortue and Powell met, and in their post-meeting
debriefing with the press, the Hero Act was again mentioned, this
time by Latortue: "What we talked about in defense of the
private sector's interests is the Hero Act. The Hero Act is something
we are discussing that favors, in fact, some of the activities
of the private sector."
The Haitian-American Investment
Bank – PromoCapital – has recently been circulating propaganda,
foregrounding a recent letter of Sen. Dewine's, that calls on his "colleagues" for
support of the Hero Act. In this letter, Dewine refers to the provisions
in the Hero Act as "the same as those provided to the least
developed countries in Africa through the African Growth and Opportunity
Act [AGOA]." The emphasis of the Act, in Dewine's words, is
on "trade incentives," "foreign direct investment" and "economic
development," which will culminate in "spill over effects
for the rest of Haiti's population." We should briefly look
to AGOA for indications as to the impact that similar legislation
might have on Haiti.
"The main effect
of AGOA," as reported by Patrick Bond in Zmag in 2001, "is
to link aid to economic reform, by which is meant the dismantling
of state regulatory environment. There are no benefits, and the
costs include clear manifestations of deepening structural adjustment
and deregulation." Indeed, many consider AGOA to be an 'African
NAFTA.'” Widespread opposition to AGOA exists "because it
is a capitalist policy whose aim is to undermine political sovereignty
and economic choices of African states by imposing privatization,
trade liberalization and other anti-working class policies."
The AGOA was seen as combining "the
worst terms of both NAFTA and harsh IMF structural adjustment programs" while
benefiting primarily "huge US corporations." Last year,
Bill Fletcher of the Transafrica forum assessed AGOA's impact: "AGOA
has been a real mixed bag, but overall it's a sham...Exports continue
to be largely oil...AGOA doesn't carry with it human, environmental
and labor rights to protect people in areas where production is
supposed to be taking place." Quite simply, according to Fletcher, "The
notion that AGOA has actually benefited African countries is a
gross misrepresentation."
The AGOA makes stipulations
that allow for effective US unilateral control over the conditions
that are to be met by African countries. Of course, a different
level of control will exist in the case of Haiti, as the Bush Administration
is spearheading Haiti's "reconstruction" – a familiar
and loaded term that followers of US foreign and trade policy are
well aware of. Noriega has already stated that the US will be facilitating
the updating of Haiti's Commercial Code "in order to create
the right environment for growth and wealth creation." At
the top of their latest circulation, PromoCapital pledges allegiance
to the US State Department by quoting Roger Noriega's AEI speech.
A closer look at the "Haitian Diaspora" to which Noriega
refers seems in order.
Judging by some of the
names on the list of PromoCapital shareholders and founders, this
legislation has been 13 years in the making. At least nine of the
seventy people named as PromoCapital shareholders and founders
were known or suspected financial backers of the 1991 military
coup, which overthrew President Aristide and proceeded to slaughter
well over 3,000 people. These people had their assets blocked by the US Department of Treasury, Office of Foreign Assets Control
under the Clinton Administration, until 1994.
The Haitian military and
FRAPH murderers were supported by some of these same people, and
recent developments make it appear logical that they have once
again supported a coup, with the intent to derail democracy once
again in Haiti. This time around, the coup had to be planned differently
so as to give these coup-backers turned "bankers" free
reign to further pillage the country economically while terrorizing
those who dare to explore their democratic political consciousness.
The triumvirate of Haiti's elite, the illegitimate Latortue regime,
and the Bush Administration (in addition to the equally reprehensible
roles played by France and Canada) could not have developed
without a unified denial of the coup, along with a denial of human
rights abuses and political persecution.
Besides the coup-backers,
there are many other notable
persons on the PromoCapital
list, such as Axan Abellard, a resident of Florida who was on the
short list for Prime Minister in early March with eventual PM Gerard
Latortue. Or Hans Tippenhauer, one of the most outspoken of the
Group of 184 "leaders" during the build-up to the coup.
Tippenhauer publicly referred to the "rebels" that were
terrorizing Northern Haiti as "freedom fighters" long
before Gerard Latortue similarly praised them on March
20,
2004. Also on the list are several powerful individuals who control
a great deal of Haitian wealth, such as Dumas Simeus, Danielle
Jean-Pierre, Albert Levy, Henri Deschamps, and many others.
Deschamps, for example,
has his hands in much of the media in Haiti, and has connections
to USAID. Simeus is the Chairman of PromoCapital and runs the largest
Haitian-American-owned business in Texas. Overall, the web of corporate
connections that make up much of the PromoCapital shareholders
and founders list, is extensive. I expect that further investigation
will yield some considerable insight into the "modus operandi" of
the planning and execution of the recent coup.
Before February 29th,
the US did not publicly state its allegiance to the "democratic
opposition" in Haiti. The mainstream press never explored
the relationship between the US lending institutions and "civil
society," even though multiple lending institutions are either
known or alleged to have had financial connections to the opposition.
USAID in particular has already stated its support for PromoCapital's "Haiti
Reconstruction Fund," and are clear that "The departure
of President Aristide presents us now with an opportunity to rebuild
and move forward." This position, in addition to the Latortue
Regime's having recently received the full endorsement of the Bush
Regime, has evolved in the short span of six weeks, since the "resignation
and willing departure" of President Aristide.
At this point, any notion
of the Haitian people having the opportunity to decide for themselves
how to proceed with and determine their own future, is being shoved
down the memory hole by powerful interests with the strength of
steadfast denial. The Hero Act, vigorously pursued by Haitian elite
and the Bush and Boca Raton Regimes, will likely be in place before
the Haitian people even get to cast their next vote. Herein lies
the crux of Plan Haiti: polarize or eliminate the existing democratic
political opposition, while militarizing the country (with impunity)
to prevent popular uprisings from emerging.
Any elections will be
far from legitimate and will not, as Powell stated, "put the
country back on a constitutional footing." Latortue discussed
with Powell the ground rules of the future "democratic process," which
were agreed to by "the political parties [excluding Lavalas,
and] the civil society groups...We have also agreed that no one
in this government or in the former government will participate
in the administration as long as they have not renounced the use
of guns and corruption." Latortue neglects to explain how "former
officials" will be able to voice such a renunciation, given
that they are largely in hiding from lynch squads who are doing
the dirty work of Latortue and the Boca Raton Regime, paving the
way toward "a new beginning" and "a future of hope
for the Haitian people."
As other details are emerging
regarding the US's role in training and funding the Haitian "rebels" in
the Dominican Republic, and a rumored US military occupation of
Haiti's strategic Mole St. Nicolas (situated on the Windward Passage,
facing Cuba), one has to wonder at what point any of this will
be made public knowledge. (See “US accused of training Haitian
rebels in Dominican
Republic.”) As of this writing, Haitian
citizens are bearing the most painful and violent consequences
of (yet another) US destabilization campaign. They are being targeted
for persecution due to their pursuit of democracy and freedom,
and for their desire to fulfill their human right to self-determination.
The United States understands history and knows how to make sure
it repeats itself in Latin America and the Caribbean. If US policies
proceed unabated, the chances are good that never again will Haiti's
poorest be invited to the table of democracy, for no such table
can exist while people are force-fed harmful neoliberal programs
while staring down the barrel of a gun.
Anthony
Fenton is an independent journalist/political activist from Vancouver,
B.C. Recently, he accompanied the Quixote Centre Emergency Observation
Delegation to Haiti.