Sometimes
the masters of policy and opinion speak most loudly through
their silences. In
such cases, it's what they fail to mention and what they choose
to delete that says the most about who they are and what they
are generally about: preserving privilege and power under the
guise of populist concern for the people. Their omissions reflect
their desire to suppress public consciousness and discussion
of uncomfortable matters of race, class, and power that pose
troubling questions about the content of American democracy. A Demon Agency and
an Awful State Comparison
An
excellent case in point is provided by Illinois Governor Rod
Blagojevich's recent
(January 15, 2004) "State
of the State Address," delivered to the Illinois Legislative
Assembly. Consistent with the normal pattern, Blagojevich
opened not with a serious discussion of social and economic conditions
in the state but with his favorite recent policy accomplishments.
After listing these off, however, the Governor moved quickly
into a passionate attack on the state's "failing educational
system," laying special blame on the Illinois State Board
of Education (ISBE) – the apparent incarnation of modern political
and policy evil this side of North Korea.
"I am not satisfied
with the state of education in Illinois," Blagojevich said. "While
Illinois is blessed with thousands of good schools" and "with
tens of thousands of smart, committed, dedicated teachers," he
intoned, "our education system is still failing too many
children." Blagoejevich recited horrible statistics
from the depressing world of standardized testing: "38 percent
of [Illinois] kids in the third grade can't read at the third
grade level; 36 percent of eight graders do not meet eight grade
reading standards; 41 percent of eighth graders cannot write
on an eight grade level; 44 percent of eleventh graders can't
meet basic reading standards; and 48 percent of eleventh grade
students taking the ACT exam are not ready for college without
having to repeat classes."
Of
special concern to the Governor was the terrible fact, repeated
throughout his address,
that only 46 cents of every Illinois education dollar goes to
classroom instruction. Illinois ranks 16th in the nation,
he noted, in the amount of money taxpayers invest in total per
pupil spending. "But when it comes to how we spend
that money, Illinois ranks only 40th in the nation when it comes
to seeing that money invested in the classroom to teach our children. 40th
in the nation! Thirty-nine other states do a better job
than we do when it comes to how much money makes into the classroom. By
comparison, California, for all of its problems, does a better
job than we do. The Golden State, 53 percent of their education
dollars on classroom instruction. Pennsylvania: 54 percent.
New York: 60 percent on classroom instruction...the children
deserve better," the Governor proclaimed. "The
parents deserve better. The taxpayers deserve better."
What
to do? "If
we are really serious about fixing our schools," the Governor
insisted, then Illinois must make "real, fundamental, systemic
changes in the way we manage our schools, in the way we spend
our education dollars, and in the way we hold people accountable
for results." Illinois citizens and policymakers must break
their attachment to the wrongheaded notion that "we're not
spending enough money" on education. They should embrace,
rather, structural reform in how existing education dollars
are spent.
And
the main structural reform required, the Governor insisted,
is abolition of the terrible
Illinois State Board of Education (ISBE). The majority
of his long speech was spent railing at this "clunky and
inefficient" and "Soviet-style" bureaucracy, which
he associated with all the standard problems that most enrage
John Q. Taxpayer: bloat, over-regulation, waste, top-heaviness,
and crippling inefficiency. The solution is not to raise
or spend more money, Blagojevich argued, but to replace the burdensome
ISBE with a state Department of Education under his control.
Deleting "Savage
Inequalities" in "How We Spend That Money"
The
precise extent to which the supposedly terrible, bloodsucking
ISBE "handcuff's" Illinois
education and "shortchanges children" remains unclear. The
Governor never tried to substantiate the dark linkage he made
between the demon agency, test scores, and the misapplication
of school funding dollars.
Six
other things, however, are quite evident indeed. First, the
governor already possesses
the right to appoint ISBE members and so has considerable control
over that agency. Second, numerous factors (e.g., the age
of Illinois schools buildings, the state's educational salary
and wage structure and schools' investment in safety) would need
to be included in any serious analysis of the 46-cents-on-classroom
instruction figure. Third, children benefit significantly from
numerous educational investments that do not go directly into
classroom instruction – school heating systems, lunch programs,
lead paint removal, transportation, and so on (Phil Kadner, "Governor
Isn't Talking About the Other 54 Cents," Daily
Southtown). Fourth, the governor could easily cut a number
of key state agencies (for example the Illinois Tollway Commission
or the Illinois Department of Corrections) in a serious campaign
against bureaucratic bloat.
Fifth,
the Governor has a very selective, unduly class- and color-blind
idea of the
inter-state educational spending comparisons that should to be
cited to elicit popular outrage, and the "systemic changes" that
are required in "the way we spend our education dollars." Nowhere
in his tirade did Blagojevich find it worthy of mention that
Illinois now possesses the nation's greatest average funding
gap ($2,384) between the least and the most impoverished school
districts (Kevin Carey, The
Funding Gap: Low-Income and Minority Students Still
Receive Fewer Dollars in Many States, Washington DC: The
Education Trust, 2003, p. 7), helping make it the one state to
receive an 'F' for school-funding from the prestigious journal Education
Week (see "Illinois
Report Card”). This critical funding disparity translates
into a revenue difference of $953, 600 between two typical elementary
schools with 400 students (Carey, p. 9). At the extremes, per-capita
education spending in the state varies from $18,000 to less than
$5,000 per year (A+ Illinois Coalition, "About
The Issues").
This
sharp disparity, numerous reform groups point out, is the consequence
of the state's
extreme reliance on local property taxes to pay for public schools. State
funding for K-12 education in Illinois covers just 38 percent
of educating a student and Illinois ranks 48th among the 50 states
in the share of total state school funding that comes from state
government – another appalling inter-state comparison omitted
from the Governor's address. Local property taxes account
for nearly 60 percent of school expenses in Illinois, something
that naturally tends to favor property-rich over property-poor
districts (A+ Illinois, "About the Issues").
People
of color tend to possess significantly less property wealth
than whites, and
Illinois happens to have the second most racially segregated
public school system in the United States (John R. Logan, Jacob
Stowell & Dierdre Oakley, Choosing
Segregation: Racial Imbalance in American Public Schools,
1990-2000). Moreover, the state also happens to possess
one of the nation's largest school-funding gaps between high-minority
and low-minority school districts – another readily available
inter-state comparison the Governor decided to leave out of his
passionate educational oration.
Sadly,
the absolute amount and proportionate share of property tax
payments required
of individual local homeowners is often considerably higher in
the less property-affluent districts. A homeowner in property-poor
and very predominantly black East St. Louis pays $2,514 in education
property tax to contribute to school funding in a district that
spends $8,435 in operating expenses on each student. Taxpayers
get a significantly higher bang for their public-educational
buck in very affluent and predominantly white Lake Forest, Illinois. Homeowners
there pay $454 in property taxes to support an $18,189 operating
expense per pupil! (A+ Illinois, "About the Issues").
Welcome to "savage inequality," Jonathan Kozol's term
to describe school-funding and related school-quality disparities
in the United States.
Who "the
System Fails" Most
Sixth,
the governor has a very selective, unduly class- and color-blind
conception
of which students exactly Illinois education is most especially
failing. This regressive, racially disparate system of school
funding is certainly related to the fact that Illinois boasts
the nation's largest student test-score gap between wealthy and
impoverished students – another inter-state comparison that did
not elicit gubernatorial indignation. A recent report by
Dr. Glenn McGee, superintendent of an exceedingly affluent school
district north of Chicago, shows that poor kids are especially
victimized by school failure measured by the admittedly problematic
standard measure (standardized test scores). Less than
half of the state's children who come from low-income families,
McGee found, meet the standards set by the pedagogically counter-productive,
reactionary, and shame-based testing regimen, meaning that nearly
400,000 Illinois non-affluent boys and girls are "struggling
in school." About 30,000 out of 40,000 eleventh grade students
from low-income families do not meet state standards in mathematics
and science. In the state's Prairie State Examination (PSE),
just 17.3% of students in the high poverty schools met the state's
basic math standards. For the PSE as a whole, McGee notes, "20.5%
of students in the high poverty schools meet or exceed state
standards compared to almost 57% of students in schools enrolling
fewer than half of their students from low-income families. Just
6.25 % of high poverty high schools have half their students
meeting PSAE standards compared to 73.6 % of the other high schools.
This," McGee, observes, "is an achievement gap." ("Closing
Illinois' Achievement Gap: Lessons From the 'Golden Spike'
High Poverty High Performing Schools.”)
Another gubernatorial
omission should come as no surprise: the racial and ethnic "achievement
gap." In citing test scores as the critical evidence that
public schools are failing Illinois children, the governor failed
to mention that black and Latino children are especially "shortchanged" by
his test-based criteria. In 2002, just 32 percent of the state's
black students and 26 percent of its Hispanic students met or
exceeded state reading standards, compared to 66 percent of white
students. The racial and ethnic "achievement gap" was
worse in math. (Human Relations Foundation and Hull House, Minding
the Gap: An Assessment of Racial Disparity in Chicago – Education,
2003.) These disparities are in turn related to numerous other
gaps that did not make it into the Governor's "State of
the State" address, including wildly disproportionate black
unemployment, poverty, incarceration and felony marking.
Poor and Black
Children Pushed Further Behind
Nearly
ten years ago, The Chicago Urban League published a useful
study of Illinois'
school-funding regime. The report bore the interesting
title "Preserving Privilege." The state's mid-1990s
public educational financing system, The League showed, allocated
a disproportionate share of taxpayer money to the very school
districts that least needed assistance. That system failed
to deliver adequate resources to districts with the greatest
need. Per-student spending was considerably higher in districts
where incomes, parental educational levels, and student test
scores were already highest. The standard racial and ethnic corollaries
held that school districts with majority-minority concentrations
received considerably less than districts with majority white
populations. Among the League's recommendations: reduce
the school funding system's over-reliance on local property taxes,
break the notion that local property wealth is the sole possession
of local communities, and direct significant special additional
resources to school districts that lack the special inherited
privileges of high property wealth, high income, and high parental
educational levels (Jim Lewis, Preserving Privilege: Inequity
of the Illinois Education Finance System, Chicago: Chicago
Urban League, 1995).
Nearly
ten years later, the majority of Illinois voters support these
changes, even if
they require a modest increase in personal income taxes, but
the funding gap separating the state's rich from poor districts
has expanded. This backwards movement stands in sharp opposition
to the declared objectives and reporting requirement of the bipartisan,
Bush-initiated "No Child Left Behind Act" (NCLBA). That
miserable legislation threatens public schools with a loss of
federal funds if they fail to shrink racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic
test-score gaps but provides no additional resources to lift
poor and minority kids' achievement and does nothing to compel
states to confront their tendency (particularly exaggerated in
Illinois) to distribute educational resources in a regressive,
anti-democratic, and racially disparate fashion.
De facto Private
Schools
Is it any wonder that
the predominantly Republican residents of Illinois' most affluent
school districts show relatively slight enthusiasm for voucher-based
school privatization, the heart of the national Republican Party's
long-term education agenda? The well-off districts
are getting their aristocratic needs met within the existing
not-so "public" school system, whose funding structure
neatly reproduces private class privilege without provocative
resort to literal privatization. Under the existing funding
regime, the wealthiest communities enjoy de facto elite private
schools within the public sector. Accordingly, the false
voucher "solution" to the crisis of public education
is reserved for predominantly black and Hispanic inner-city schools,
where public funding levels are nowhere near sufficient to meet
the real costs of educating children who grow up in and around
severe socioeconomic disadvantage and related racial and ethnic
hyper-segregation.
Faux Populism
How
sadly telling of American policymakers' long, dark, and bi-partisan
reactionary
drift to hear a Democratic governor delete any reference to this
savage school funding inequality from a speech dedicated to advancing "systemic
change" in how the state spends its educational dollars.
How disturbing to see a leading elected official from the supposedly
more progressive and social-democratic of the two relevant U.S.
political parties mimic the faux populism of the Republicans,
deflecting the media and populace from serious discussion of
policy-deepened class and race injustices with a diversionary,
superficially class- and color-blind tirade against concocted
state-totalitarian evil. The state's citizens need to respond
in a forthright fashion. Making the readily visible connections
of class, race, place and school-funding policy, they need to
call the governor on the reactionary folly of his big education
speech. They need to join the fight for a public educational
system worthy of its name.
Paul
Street ([email protected]) is
an urban social policy researcher in Chicago, Illinois. His
publications include "Too Many Children Left Behind:
The Case Against School Vouchers," Z
Magazine (September 2002): 46-50, and "'Class,
Color, and The Hidden Injuries of Race," Z Magazine
(June 2002): 39-42. |