Haitian Opposition and Corporate Media Press for Regime Change in Haiti

In Haiti, as in Venezuela, corporate media act as public relations agents for a political opposition nurtured by the U.S. government. Truth is shamelessly obscured by relentless quotes from opposition figures pursuing American goals of “regime change,” a euphemism for the overthrow of popularly elected governments.

With scant resources but plenty of courage, Associate Editor Kevin Pina exposes himself daily to the dangers of telling the truth about a nation under siege by a superpower. Pina has lost friends to opposition violence (and gained a newborn baby boy) during his most recent reporting from Haiti. Meanwhile, the corporate press hobnob with U.S. embassy officials and fraternize with the Haitian elite, among the most corrupt in the hemisphere.

Below are two links that demonstrate the hopeless bias of corporate shills who pretend to be reporters for Reuters and the Associated Press. The Reuters report is blatant propaganda for the opposition, who are made to seem victims, while the AP dispatch mentions 21 killings since mid-September, but gives the impression that pro-Aristide forces are committing most of the violence.

Reuters, December 12

Associated Press, December 14

Yet, as ’s Kevin Pina reports, the ongoing violence is in fact a deliberate provocation by the U.S. backed opposition, bent on creating a climate of anarchy to justify outside military intervention.

Following Pina’s article are reports from a Haitian government press spokesperson and the Haitian Press Agency (AHP) – The Publishers

US-Backed Haiti Opposition Emboldened
Student "Revolt" Unmasked
By Kevin Pina, in Port-au-Prince

The Washington-backed opposition Group 184 has emerged as the true leadership behind a recent series of marches and street demonstrations calling for the ouster of Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Under the guise of an autonomous student movement against Aristide, members of Group 184 and its ally, the Democratic Convergence, assumed clear leadership roles in the attempts to lay siege to the National Palace in Port-au-Prince on December 11th and 12th.

In a bizarre political twist, Lavalas Senators Dany Toussaint and Pierre Prince Sonson, joined former military officer Himmler Rebu and businessman Andre Apaid, of the Democratic Convergence and Group 184 respectively, in calling for Aristide to step down on December 11th. The greatest irony is that this is the same opposition that had accused Toussaint, a former military officer and Lavalas Senator, of having masterminded the assassination of one of Haiti’s most popular journalists, Jean Dominique. Toussaint now alleges that Aristide had set him up to take the fall for the murder.

On December 12th Dany Toussaint was quoted as stating that Aristide had only three choices left to him; resignation and exile, prison or death. One Lalavas observer commented, “Toussaint is trying to indemnify himself against a re-opening of the Dominique case and accusations of drug-trafficking leveled against him by the DEA. He thinks that joining the Washington-backed movement against Aristide will provide him with immunity from prosecution. He fears a DEA indictment more then the emergence of the Aristide ‘dictatorship’ he claims compelled him to join the opposition. He was also aware that his political career in Lavalas was coming to an end.”  In a now well-established pattern in Haiti, Senator Sonson declared that Aristide and Lavalas militants had threatened his life, giving him no choice but to join the opposition.

Amid heavy police security and a large contingent of international corporate media, the December 11^th opposition demonstration saw nearly fifteen thousand people take to the streets calling for President Aristide’s resignation. A number of them were armed with rocks and clubs studded with large metal spikes and nails. Chanting, “Lavalas is a minority and we are the majority,” the demonstrators made their way down to the front of the National Palace where a small contingent of Lavalas supporters had taken up defensive positions behind police erected barricades. Lavalas leaders stated they were determined to avoid a direct confrontation and a potential bloodbath fearing it would provide a pretext for the Bush administration, and its surrogates in the OAS, to intervene militarily in Haiti. 

The Haitian police were finally forced to fire tear gas and discharge warning shots when the opposition demonstrators attacked a police car. The crowd swung at the police car with spiked clubs before forcing it to drive through the front line of demonstrators and relative safety on the other side of the police line. Minutes later, the police and media were taken by surprise as the same protestors hurled live teargas canisters that had been stolen from the police car in the earlier melee. The police responded by firing several volleys of warning shots into the air and then proceeded to disperse the crowd by force.

Class and Color

The demonstrators then headed up to the wealthy suburb of Petion-Ville to reassemble under the leadership of Group 184 and the Democratic Convergence. As they began to descend Route Delmas back towards the palace, observers could not help but be struck by the leadership role assumed by the much lighter-skinned members of Haiti’s mulatto elite, personified by businessman Andre Apaid and his lieutenants. This stood in stark contrast to the swelling numbers of exclusively black faces in the Lavalas counter-demonstration waiting for them in front of the National Palace.

While the opposition stated this was an example of the diversity of the movement opposed to President Aristide, many in Lavalas pointed out that it was Apaid’s class who traditionally ruled Haiti by buying the loyalty of the now defunct Haitian military. One Lavalas militant summed it up this way, “In addition to the personal fortunes they have amassed in Haiti, Apaid and his class have received a lot of financial backup from Washington and Paris. This is traditional reactionary politics of the wealthy elite rearing its ugly head once again in Haiti. Since there is no longer a military for sale to the highest bidder, they have now resorted to purchasing demonstrators with black faces to serve as a front for them. There is no difference between these paid mercenaries and opportunists than the black servants in Apaid’s household. When they don’t do as they are told, he will fire them. Just as when he does not do what he is told by Washington, they will fire him. Anyone who mistakes Apaid and his friends as leaders of a democratic movement representing the interests of the black poor majority would do well to re-read their Haitian history. If he were really interested in breaking the apartheid-like system we have in Haiti, he would have helped make things work long ago. He would have supported us when we asked the wealthy elite to pay their taxes to help improve the country. He would have sat at the table with us in sincere dialogue instead of letting Washington use him to block our every move towards changing the conditions of the poor black majority. Antoine Izmery he is not.” (Antoine Izmery was a wealthy mulatto businessman and Lavalas supporter assassinated by paramilitary auxiliaries of the former military known as attachés in September 1994).

Campaign of Terror

The opposition demonstration ended before arriving at Haiti’s National Palace but another series of dramatic events was to take place the same evening. As night fell a campaign of terror began that would remain unreported and ignored by the Haitian press and the international corporate media.

In two separate but similar incidents, unidentified cars drove through the poor neighborhoods of Cite Soleil and La Saline firing indiscriminately at pedestrians only to disappear into the night. Three people were killed and six wounded in the drive-by campaign of terror. A third incident took place near the National Palace itself, resulting in the cold-blooded assassination of Andre Jan-Marie, the Program Coordinator of the government’s literacy program in Petion-Ville. As Andre got out of his parked car, he was shot once through the heart and once in the head. Palace security rushed to his aid and took him to General Hospital where he was pronounced dead on arrival. Andre Jan-Marie was a member of the development oriented popular organization the Society of Providence and Union for Economic Development in Petion-Ville (SOPUDEP). He was also one of the founders of the SOPUDEP School that serves the poorest children in Petion-Ville and is housed in the former mansion of Duvalier assassin and drug dealer Lionel Wooley.

Politics as Theater

The opposition had planned a second day of protest on December 12th calling for Aristide’s resignation. By 4 a.m. Lavalas militants began paralyzing the capital with burning barricades at all major intersections. By 8 a.m. more than 30,000 Lavalas supporters had massed to defend the National Palace. A group of about 200 opposition protestors under heavy police escort and led by Andre Apaid, marched from downtown Port au Prince and arrived in Petion-Ville at 11 a.m. Once there they were met by scattered bands of Lavalas supporters who had not received the word to stay away and began throwing rocks. Contrary to claims by the opposition that the Haitian police show deference to Lavalas protestors, the police forced the Lavalas supporters away from Petion-Ville’s central market with teargas as the opposition cheered.  This seemed to refute opposition charges that freedom of speech is impossible, and their exaggerated claims that conditions are worse in Haiti than they were following the coup of 1991.

The protestors numbered about three hundred strong as the event took on a carnavalesque and party-like atmosphere.  Members of Haiti’s mulatto elite mixed with a few well-known Haitian intellectuals and artists who congratulate each other and give statements to an eager Haitian and international press. Meanwhile, several of the poorer black protesters in the opposition contingent were seen openly threatening known Lavalas members with reprisal once Aristide is forced from office. One protestor brazenly threatened a bystander, “Once Aristide leaves I am coming after you. You better get ready!!” Abandoning all pretense of professionalism, emotional members of Haiti’s press corps were caught provoking people in a passing pickup truck, “Fuck your mother, I know you are a attaché!” (the paramilitary death squads under the Cedras dictatorship). Another taunted, “Come down and get me.”

Finally the marchers wandered off in what seemed like an aimless fashion, in search of more encounters. A market woman who had quietly watched the madness commented, “I guess that’s what they mean by democracy.”

Read Kevin Pina’s previous reports on the U.S.-backed offensive against the Aristide government:

Part I

Propaganda War Intensifies Against Haiti, October 30

Part 2

U.S. Corporate Media Distorts Haitian Events, November 6

Part 3

The Bush Administration’s End Game for Haiti

Kevin Pina is a documentary filmmaker and freelance journalist who has been working and living in Haiti for the past three years. He has been covering events in Haiti for the past decade and produced a documentary film entitled "Haiti: Harvest of Hope". Mr. Pina is also the Haiti Special Correspondent for the Flashpoints radio program on the Pacifica Network's flagship station KPFA in Berkeley CA.

From Michelle Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison, National Palace

Rough notes on Friday's events that may have thus far not been reported. (The following is based on a combination of radio broadcasts of events and interviews (radio stations across the band), National Television reporting, conversations with US and local press present at events, and my own observations. 

As I said in an earlier email, Thursday night popular organizations came out to stand vigilant in front of the National Palace, to guard the people's choice.  Cars circulated Thursday night and Friday morning (again when pro-government masses were taking to the streets) shooting indiscriminately into crowds (approx. 10 shot, approx. 7 dead.  See below for some details).

Nevertheless, in sharp contrast to the violent demands of the opposition for the immediate overthrow of the government, the people took to the streets by the tens of thousands Friday to call for respect of the constitutional mandate of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

Tens of thousands (seen on National Television and reports by press present) of pro-government supporters marched through the streets of downtown Port-au-Prince Friday morning to mid-day.  Amongst them were women, children, elderly and students who identified themselves as the Collective of University Students, and parliamentary and local representatives from throughout the country. 

The majority responds to the minority. With both hands thrust in the air displaying all five fingers on each hand to represent the five-year presidential term and the people's will to see the President finish his term, people chanted, "Elections, YES!  Coup d'etat, NO! Aristide for FIVE YEARS!"

People said if the opposition thinks they are the majority then why don't they go to elections to prove it.  (To date the opposition has sabotaged all efforts to hold elections.)

The people expressed their commitment to democracy and its processes saying that if after Aristide's term of five years is over, whoever runs for President and is democratically elected, then their term will be respected, no matter who it is, but that the five years of this President must be allowed to finish its term.

Representatives of the Collective, a pro-government group of public and private university students, spoke to the press (aired on National Television) and said they also denounce the violent incident that took place at one of the universities last week but that they stand for education and that it is patriotic to go to school and as such they stand against the closing of the schools.  Schools have been closed because of the demonstrations held by the opposition.  They said yes to schooling, no to closing the universities!

The people who flooded the streets - diverse members of the popular movement - were heard on numerous radio stations across the band as well as on the National Television. People also came out in different towns and also were interviewed on the radio stations, particularly Radio Ginen. Some spoke of a class struggle between the rich and the poor. Many denounced the former army and reiterated the people's determination not to go backwards.  In response to Dany Toussaint's comments Thursday, many people interviewed said the people are watching the former military, and now Dany is standing face to face against the people once again as the military did.  They said they say no to going backwards, and reiterated that the people have chosen democracy as the way!

Saying that children need schooling, families need food and houses to live in, the people said they will not go backwards, only forwards in solidarity.  They asked for respect for the people's choice. 

People said that the opposition is trying to boycott and sabotage the upcoming 2004 bicentennial celebrations – plunging Haiti into violence and paralysis.  People said the masses are for Jean-Bertrand Aristide and will continue to mobilize for 2004.

People said, There will be no coup d'etat in the country again.  The people are clear, the Haitian people have stood up. No to anarchy, yes to democracy!  They cannot bring down the resistance of the people!  No matter what, the President will finish his term.

Some people addressed the university students who were working with the opposition, asking them not to allow themselves to be manipulated by the opposition by gifts of visas or money.  They also said they don't want ambassadors to visit universities anymore because they are luring people with offers of visas. 

Some people interviewed said that former military and FRAPH members had infiltrated the "student" march the day before (on Thursday) swelling the numbers of persons in their march.

People said they will remain vigilant in the streets throughout the country to demand respect for democratic principles.

Mario Dupuy, the Secretary of State for Communications, said, "We will protect the rights of all citizens… All people should help the police to protect the radio stations."  He also said, "We will continue to mobilize and celebrate in peace our bicentennial of independence." The police secured various radio stations.

I spoke with three journalists who each visited the hospital on Friday at different times during the day.  They interviewed persons (two of the journalists told me they were persons who identified themselves as militants who were taking to the streets in support of the government) who were shot either Thursday night or Friday morning by cars circulating (some said without license plates) and shooting indiscriminately at people.  One person was shot by the marketplace downtown, one on Rue Pavee, one woman was injured when she fled from a car that was speeding at people. 

Kevin Pina interviewed these gunshot victims on film.  (Press can contact me for his contact information).  (Evens Sanon photographed these victims.  Press can contact me for his contact information).  (Amy Bracken of Reuters interviewed these victims).  As I said, from talking with these journalists I estimated that approximately 10 persons were at the General Hospital as a result of these shootings.  Approximately 7 of them died on Friday. 

As for the gentleman (Andre Jean-Marie) I talked about in my earlier email, it seems that he had arrived in a car near the Palace Thursday evening to join other popular organizations in front of the Palace to give his support to the President, when he was struck by bullets.  Kevin Pina describes the tragic incident as follows:

From the AHP (Haitian Press Agency) News:

Thousands of students and members of the opposition engage in violent demonstrations in Port-au-Prince: one of their objectives is to seize the National Palace

Port-au-Prince, December 11, 2003-(AHP)- Several thousand students along with members of the Democratic Convergence political coalition and the Group of 184 demonstrated this Thursday in Port-au-Prince seeking the departure of the current government.

The demonstrators set off from the Faculty of Ethnology without having a pre-determined route. From the Champ de mars, they next moved toward Turgeau before taking Lalue by way of Alix Roi Street.

On their way back to the Champ de Mars, the students and members of the opposition, armed with hammers and batons filled with nails bumped up against the perimeter in front of the National Palace, an area that had been marked off by the police as restricted access not open to the public.

"Our objective is to besiege the Palace and oust the government authorities," the demonstrators then said.

At the same moment, some of them threw volleys of stones at the police, injuring three police officers, while other demonstrators threw tear gas. The security forces then fired into the air to cause the demonstrators to disperse.

Rumors reported by the radio stations that the police fired directly into the crowd have been rejected. There have been no injuries or deaths reported from the police action.

At the front of the procession, not far from the U.S. Consulate, a group of students had beat up a group of young people whom they chased into an alley.

"We will not give in to this provocation" the victims yelled as they fled.

Some demonstrators also beat students who were not involved in the anti-government demonstration at the moment they were about to start a press conference at the faculty of Ethnology to state their position on the crisis affecting the university.

A camera operator from Télé Timoun who was covering the events was violently manhandled. He said that a student had aimed a revolver at him.

In the vicinity of Poste-Marchand, demonstrators also threw volleys of stones at private residences in response, they said, to stones that had been thrown at them.

The occupants of several of these homes were violently beaten by students who were then accused of resorting to the same abuses which they accuse government supporters of committing.

On the Delmas Road, students threw rocks at the ONA office (National Office of Senior Citizen Insurance), causing significant damage. The students accused the agency of financing chimères (underprivileged people).

The demonstrators enjoyed the support of former major Dany Toussaint, who for a long time was accused by the opposition and some human rights organizations of involvement in the assassination of  Jean Dominique. The demonstrations were also supported by former colonel Himler Rébu.

Several radio stations in the capital, stating that they were quoting demonstrators, said that with the presence of these two men, the objective was to take over the National Palace by force.

Several other opposition officials took part in the demonstration, including former Secretary of State for Youth and Sports Evans Lescouflair, as well as members of the "No Collective", and some active members of NCHR.

Senator Prince Pierre Sonson, whom the opposition has accused of involvement in the violence of December 17, 2001, was also among the demonstration's leaders.

In the early afternoon, former colonel Rébu, who led the failed coup d'Etat against the military ruler General Prosper Avril in 1989, took the lead of the demonstration as it passed in front of the office of the Organization of American States (OAS) in Musseau.

Mr. Rébu, one of the leaders of the Democratic Convergence, then accused the OAS of preventing the opposition from ousting the officials of the elected government.

The students, massed in front of the headquarters of the OAS in Haiti, said that they will take power with or without the help of the OAS, by utilizing, they said, all means available to them.

As they returned to the downtown area, the demonstrators were finally dispersed by means of tear gas as they attempted for a second time to break through the perimeter of the restricted area with the objective of taking the National Palace by force.