Viewed
from a distance, the streets of Honduras look, smell and sound like
those of Iran: Expressions of popular anger- burning vehicles, large
marches and calls for justice in a non-English language- aimed at
a constitutional violation of the people’s will (the coup took place
on the eve of a poll of voters asking if the President’s term should
be extended); protests repressed by a small, but powerful elite
backed by military force; those holding power trying to cut off
communications in and out of the country.
These
and other similarities between the political situation in Iran and
the situation in Honduras, where military and economic and political
elites ousted democratically-elected President Manuel Zelaya in
a military coup condemned around the world, are obvious.
But
when viewed from the closer physical (Miami is just 800 miles from
Honduras) and historical proximity of the United States, the differences
between Iran and Honduras are marked and clear in important ways:
the M-16’s pointing at this very moment at the thousands of peaceful
protesters are paid for with U.S. tax dollars and still carry a
“Made in America” label; the military airplane in which they kidnapped
and exiled President Zelaya was purchased with the hundreds of millions
of dollars in U.S. military aid the Honduran government has been
the benefactor of since the Cold War military build-up that began
in 1980’s; the leader of the coup, General Romeo Vasquez, and many
other military leaders repressing the populace received “counterinsurgency”
training at the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation
(WHINSEC), formerly known as the infamous “School of the Americas,”
responsible for training those who perpetrated the greatest atrocities
in the Americas.
The
big difference between Iran and Honduras? President Obama and the
U.S. can actually do something about a military crackdown that our
tax dollars are helping pay for. That Vasquez and other coup leaders
were trained at the WHINSEC, which also trained Agusto Pinochet
and other military dictators responsible for the deaths, disappearances,
tortures of hundreds of thousands in Latin America, sends profound
chills throughout a region still trying to overcome decades U.S.-backed
militarism.
Hemispheric
concerns about the coup were expressed in the rapid,
historic and almost universal condemnation of the plot by almost
all Latin American governments. Such concerns in the region
represent an opportunity for the United States. But, while the Honduran
coup represents a major opportunity for Obama to make real his recent
and repeated calls for a “new” relationship to the Americas,
failure to take actions that send a rapid and unequivocal denunciation
of the coup will be devastating to the Honduran people - and to
the still-fragile U.S. image in the region.
Recent
declarations by the Administration - expressions of “concern” by the President and statements
by Secretary of State Clinton recognizing Zelaya as the only legitimate,
elected leader of Honduras - appear to indicate preliminary
disapproval of the putsch. Yet, the even more unequivocal statements
of condemnation from U.N. President Miguel D’Escoto, the Organization
of American States, the European Union, and the Presidents of Argentina,
Costa Rica and many other governments raise greatly the bar of expectation
before the Obama Administration.
As
a leader of the global chorus condemning the Iranian government
and as one of the primary backers of the Honduran military, the
Obama Administration will feel increasing pressure to do much more.
Beyond
immediate calls to continue demanding that Zelaya and democratic
order be reinstated, protesters in Honduras, Latin America and across the United States
will also pressure the Obama Administration to take a number of
tougher measures including: cutting off of U.S. military aid,
demanding that Hondurans and others kidnapped, jailed and detained
be released and accounted for immediately, bringing Vasquez and
coup leaders to justice, investigating what U.S. Ambassador to Honduras,
Hugo Llorens, did or didn’t know about the coup.
With
the bad taste left by the widely alleged U.S. involvement in recent
coup attempts in Venezuela (2002) and Bolivia (2008), countries led by Zelaya allies Hugo Chavez
and Evo Morales, the Obama Administration faces a skeptical Latin
American audience.
Latin
American skepticism of U.S. intentions is not unfounded. Throughout
his administration, Zelaya has increasingly moved left, critiquing
certain U.S. actions and building stronger ties to countries like
Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia, according to the Council on Hemispheric
Affairs. COHA,
a non-profit research organization, wrote in 2005:
While Honduras signed onto the U.S.-led Central American Free Trade
Agreement (CAFTA) in 2004, and the U.S. currently is Honduras’ primary
trading partner and the source of approximately two-thirds of the
country’s foreign direct investment (FDI), Zelaya has, within the
past year, joined Petrocaribe, Chavez’s oil-subsidy initiative,
as well as the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA), the
Venezuelan-led trade bloc. Honduras’ Congress ratified its membership
in Petrocaribe on March 13, by 69 votes, and Zelaya signed ALBA
membership documents on August 22.
The
Honduran president has said that apathy on the part of the U.S.
as well as by the international lending institutions toward rising
food prices and deepening poverty in his country - one of the poorest
in the Western Hemisphere, with per capita income around $1,600
- compelled him to turn to Caracas.”
Obama’s meeting with Colombian President Alvaro Uribe Monday,
whose government has been condemned by Human Rights Watch, Amnesty
International and other international organizations as one of the
worst human rights violators in the hemisphere, both complicates
and will be complicated by Sunday’s’ resurgence of militarism in
Honduras.
Zelaya,
who continues denouncing the coup from Costa Rica, outlined the
long term threat to Honduran and U.S. interests in the region, “I
think this is a vicious plot planned by elites. Elite who only want
to keep the country isolated and in extreme poverty,” he said adding
that, “A usurper government cannot be recognized by absolutely anybody.”
[This article appeared originally on Alternet: www.alternet.org]
BlackCommentator.com Guest Commentator, Roberto Lovato is a contributing Associate Editor with New
America Media. He is also a frequent contributor to The Nation and his work has
appeared in the Los Angeles Times, Salon, Der Spiegel, Utne Magazine, La Opinion, and other
national and international media outlets. Prior to becoming a writer,
Roberto was the Executive Director of the Central American Resource
Center (CARECEN),
then the country’s largest immigrant rights organization. Click
here to contact him or via his Of América blog. |