I
had almost literally just finished reading William Gumede’s acclaimed
biography of South African President Thabo Mbeki, Thabo
Mbeki and the Battle for the Soul of the ANC: Second Edition
(New York: Zed Press, 2007), when it was announced that President
Mbeki was being sacked by the leadership of the African National
Congress. To
say that I was stunned would be no overstatement. Knowing a little
about the South African political situation, I was aware that an
individual - including the president of the country - could be recalled
by their party, but it was more the fact that the ANC actually
recalled President Mbeki that was startling.
Despite
the fact of this dramatic action, the coverage has been largely
uninformative. With the notable exception of the new South African
journal Amandla (www.amandla.org.za)
there has been little analysis of what actually took place. In that
light I would strongly recommend that you, the reader, take a look
at the analysis presented by Amandla.
As
noted by A_blankmandla,
the key observation to make about the removal of President Mbeki
is that it does not reflect a difference around policy within the
leadership ranks of the African National Congress. There have certainly
been very questionable actions taken by President Mbeki since his
days as Deputy President and later President of the Republic of
South Africa. He has been the chief architect of the neo-liberal
economic policies (privatization, deregulation, casualization, pro-free
trade) that the ANC adopted after jettisoning its more progressive
1994 platform for reconstruction and redistribution of wealth. Despite
very heavy opposition from progressive social movements in South
Africa, President Mbeki was not removed.
President
Mbeki was also not known to be a great leader in the fight around
HIV/AIDS. Slow to respond to the depth of the crisis, he spent an
inordinate amount of time attempting to justify overwhelmingly rejected
positions on the origin of HIV/AIDS, the connection between each,
and the steps necessary to address the pandemic. The situation became
so tense that former President Nelson Mandela had to speak out publicly
against the policies of his successor, a step that he had been loath
to undertake. Despite domestic and global condemnation of his policies
towards this pandemic, President Mbeki was not removed.
What
appears to have tipped the scale represented more of a reflection
of a combination of an internal power struggle along with the consequences
of arrogance from Mbeki’s camp. The coup de grace reportedly
was the conclusion arrived at by many ANC leaders that there may
have been an attempt by President Mbeki (or those around him) to
influence a case against his former ally, Jacob Zuma. Zuma, accused,
though acquitted, of corruption charges. It became a lightening
rod for many opponents of policies of President Mbeki after he was
unceremoniously fired from government by Mbeki. Though there is
little evidence that Zuma represents much different from Mbeki (at
the level of policy), he came to symbolize the demands and concerns
of a section of the ANC that was dissatisfied with the lack of attention
that the Mbeki administration was giving towards issues affecting
the mass of poor South Africans. President Mbeki adamantly denies
that he or anyone in his administration did anything improper in
this case.
Thus,
the resignation of Mbeki is a reflection of the power struggle within
the ANC, a struggle that is probably far from over and could quite
conceivably result in a split within the party. That the struggle
was not over the substance of President Mbeki’s rule rather than
the particular actions that he allegedly took makes this struggle
both cloudy and very dangerous. As is the case when the issues of
principle are not at the fore, a struggle can devolve into a factional
exchange that is inflammatory beyond the issues that are at stake.
Jacob
Zuma - the person - may be a stand-in for issues that many
South Africans believe were ignored in much of the post-1994 era.
Yet, the haze that surrounds him, in part due to the seriousness
of the corruption charges as well as the rape trial for which he
was acquitted (but during which time he was not at the vanguard
in the struggle against male supremacy to say the least) raises
serious questions as to what direction he, as the presumed next
South African President, will pursue. That he is NOT Mbeki does
not, itself, represent a political program, but rather represents
only symbolism.
Tensions
have been brewing for years within the tripartite alliance of the
ANC, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and the South African
Communist Party, comrades from the anti-apartheid struggle. The
differences, which also exist outside the alliance and include independent
social movements, have reflected contrasting views of what it means
to complete the anti-apartheid struggle and the period that is referred
to in South Africa as the “national democratic revolution.” It may
be the case that President Mbeki’s success at achieving leadership
of the ANC and later South Africa overreached itself, and came at
the price of not only his own administration, but the unity of the
ANC.
Our
hope should be that there emerges clarity on different directions
for the future of South Africa and their respective implications.
That
is a debate that has been taking place in South Africa, but often
behind the curtain. Rather than a focus on the merits or demerits
of respective personalities, the issues at stake for South Africa
have implications for much of the global South which is facing the
question as to whether there are alternatives to neo-liberal economic
policies, alternatives that favor the dispossessed and impoverished.
BlackCommentator.com Executive
Editor, Bill Fletcher, Jr., is the Executive Editor of BlackCommentator.com,
a Senior Scholar with the Institute
for Policy Studies, the immediate past president of TransAfrica Forum
and co-author of the book, Solidarity Divided: The Crisis in Organized Labor and
a New Path toward Social Justice
(University
of California Press), which examines the crisis of organized labor
in the USA. Click here
to contact Mr. Fletcher. |