If
you need the access available to a
and cannot afford the $24.95 subscription price, request a complimentary subscripition here.
"You have to make yourself now a citizen of Africa, your
native country. You can't go back there calling yourself, 'Mr.
Willie Jones.' You can't go to Africa today and get good friendship
with them. They are afraid of you." – Elijah Muhammad,
1974 (1)
In order to enslave the African it was
necessary for our enslavers to completely sever our communications
with the African continent
and the Africans that remained there. In order to free ourselves
from the oppression of our enslavers then, it is absolutely
necessary for the Afro-American to restore communications with
Africa. – Restoration, the OAAU (2)
The Nation of Islam has been central to pan-African thought,
affecting both continental African-Americans, Afro-Caribbeans,
Afro-Mexicans, Afro-Britains, and Africans of all hues within
the mother continent. All incarnations of the Nation of Islam
have had a Pan-African program: the Nation of Islam under Minister
Farrakhan, former members under Imam Mohammed, smaller communities
under Silas Muhammad, and disparate communities under the leadership
of imams who broke away with Malcolm X (El Hajj Malik Shabazz).
The leaders of the Nation of Islam have traveled globally and
their reports to the Black community at large have served to
keep prominent African leaders, such as former Ghanaian president,
Jerry Rawlings, Libyan leader, Moammar Ghaddafi, intellectual,
Ali A. Mazrui, as well as African leaders who were removed by
the US. government such as Kwame Nkrumah, in the consciousness
of large numbers of African-Americans. The Nation of Islam, through
the ever-transforming Savior's Days, has also allowed state-harassed
Black leaders to reach out to their communities. Kwame Ture (Stokley
Carmichael) and Prince Asiel Ben Israel often spoke at the annual
Saviour's Day (Saviours' Day) conventions. This paper examines
relations between former President Kwame Nkrumah and African
Americans and the way in which the Nation of Islam filtered both
perspectives during and after the African independence movement.
The Nation of Islam was founded in 1930. Its founder was a foreigner
born in Mecca at the end of the nineteenth century. However,
the major figure and leader of the Nation of Islam for forty-one
years, and many of the early followers, had been members of the
United Negro Improvement Association. Others had been members
of the Moorish Science Temple. Both of these earlier organizations
stated that Blacks of the Americas were from Africa and descended
from civilized peoples. Both had education wings and both argued
for the unity of Black peoples.
Elliott P. Skinner states that in the nineteenth
century many African-Americans fought the American Colonization
Society's
efforts to repatriate freed people to Africa because they had
been indoctrinated in the anti-African scholarship which upheld
the systems of slavery and colonialism. Europeans had exercised
the literal power of life and death over Afro-Americans for centuries.
Thomas Jefferson, after declaring that "all men are created
equal," made it clear in Notes on Virginia that Africans
were not "men" and therefore could not be freed.
"the blacks are inferior to the whites in the endowments
both of body and mind… This unfortunate difference of
color, and perhaps of faculty, is a powerful obstacle to the
emancipation of these people." (3)
The propaganda of Jefferson, Hegel, and other would-be white
supremacists was constantly countered by determined literate
African-Americans. Delany counseled returning to East Africa.
Edward Wilmot Blyden counseled return to Africa and led the way.
Henry Highland Garnett laid out a definitive statement on the
civilized African and the importance of the continent to world
history.
"By an almost common consent, the modern world seems
determined to pilfer Africa of her glory. It was not enough
that her children have been scattered over the globe, clothed
in the garments of shame - humiliated and oppressed - but her
merciless foes weary themselves in plundering the tombs of
our renowned sites, and in obliterating their worthy deeds,
which were inscribed by fame upon the pages of ancient history." (4)
Missionaries such as Blyden got to see the
horrors of colonialism first hand. They were tainted by the
prejudice that their sisters
and brothers on the continent had been deprived of the "civilizing" effects
of enslavement in a European society. However, they were well
equipped to recognize the imposition of the dialectic of white
supremacy/black inferiority upon fellow Black people. From Liberia
to South Africa, Black missionaries were pulled into the anti-colonial
struggle. Bishop Coppin was outraged by the degraded position
of Africans in South Africa.
"When we are told that an African in Africa is denied
civil privileges because he is an African, we feel that besides
being unrighteous and unworthy of our Christian civilization,
it is ridiculous in the extreme." (5)
Edward Wilmot Blyden (1832-1912), progressed from asking the
American Colonization Society to support his efforts, to becoming
so integrated into the culture of West Africa that he all but
abandoned the European Christian doctrine for the African Islamic
one.
DuBois took up the "protection" of
Africans from white supremacist doctrines and convened a Pan-African
conference in
1900. Africans from the Atlantic and the continent convened again
in 1919 and in 1921. Unfortunately, they consistently met on
the territories of the colonial powers, London and Paris.
The Nation of Islam was able to draw upon
the folk memory and mythology of Africa that sustained much
Nationalist thought.
For example, this writer's great grandmother, though from Mississippi,
was categorical in her belief that Blacks in the United States
came from Africa. Though grandmother's own grandfather had been
a "full-blooded African" and had returned to the continent
as a missionary, her knowledge of the continent was based upon
the Bible and the conviction that it was a place of civilization
and redemption.
Tony Martin says that Africa has been a
central idea in African American thought. The hold that "the benighted continent" exercised
upon the hopes and dreams of former slaves and their children
inspired the doctrines of separation and return. The best examples
at the beginning of the twentieth century were the UNIA, Nation
of Islam, and the sixty-five thousand strong Liberian Exodus
Association of South Carolina. The UNIA was a foundational organization
with the strongest pull on the imaginations and politics of Blacks
in the Western Hemisphere and on the continent of Africa. At
its height there were 1,100 UNIA branches in over forty countries.
A UNIA delegation was sent to the 1922 League of Nations. Its
unashamedly Pan-Black-African doctrines influenced the thought
of Jomo Kenyatta, Ernest Ikoli (Nigeria), Kwame Nkrumah, and
Elijah Muhammad. Muhammad redirected UNIA activity into the nascent
Nation of Islam. (6)
The Honorable Elijah Muhammad was most likely aware of nineteenth
century Pan-African writings or preaching. He had been a secretary
in the UNIA and therefore had access to the study groups. The
Los Angeles Herald Dispatch was edited by a female UNIA member,
Pat Patterson, and carried Muhammad's editorial column. (7) In Our
Saviour Has Arrived, he critiqued the early back-to-Africa
movement as unnecessary. (8) Many of his lectures referred to
the continent in broad terms. In a Table Talk, he made clear
that all Black peoples who had suffered under slavery were part
of the "elect" who were being civilized to return to
their peoples in Africa and Asia.
"West Indians are still our people only they were ruled
under other than the American whiteman. They were ruled under
the British but they are too drifters out of Africa." (9)
Islam had been introduced to small numbers of the African American
community through the writings of Blyden, through the Moorish
Science Temple, the Ahmadiyya Movement, and early Hollywood movies,
such as The Sheikh (1921), that depicted North Africans. When
hundreds of thousands of Blacks migrated from the South to the
northern industrial centers, they provided new sources of transmission
of information about Islam, Africa or any subject that could
be popularized; isolated southern and western populations could
now get some inkling of the continent in the east.
Kwame Nkrumah (1909-1972) came to America
to study. He attended Lincoln university in 1935. Garvey had
been deported in 1927.
By the time Nkrumah reached the Western Hemisphere, the man who
would inspire the Ghanaian "Black Star" shipping line
was in London inspiring West Indian and South Asian temporary
workers to fight for their rights. (10) While he was at Lincoln,
Nkrumah read the Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey. (11)
His time in America allowed him to make intimate contacts with
African-American intellectuals, of whom W.E.B. DuBois was probably
the most famous and perhaps the most significant. When the great
DuBois, whose African ancestry was nearly subsumed by Europe,
and who had fought the return to Africa under Garvey, bitterly
accepted the offer to relocate to black Africa, Nkrumah scored
his greatest victory – the cure of double consciousness.
(12)
Though the Honorable Marcus Garvey had been
discredited in the minds of many African-Americans, the Nation
of Islam's rise,
and the oratory of Malcolm X (EL Hajj Malik Shabazz), became
the main vehicle for transmitting news and analysis of events
on the continent to the average African American. Most importantly,
the Nation's doctrine that the Original people were Black, that
the God Tribe had settled in Africa and that features such as
kinky hair, and muscular build were self-imposed in order to
ensure eternal survival, continued the uncompromising tradition
of "Race First" and Black strength that had been the
doctrine of the UNIA. (13) That uncompromising stance would become
the backbone of the Nationalist Movement as outspoken proponents
of Black Power such as Kwame Ture relied upon the Nation of Islam
to attack the majority white population and its DuBois-type supporters
if they attacked him. As African-American Nationalism and Black
Power evolved into informed political Pan-Africanism, a range
of Africaphiles began to meet. Some were old enemies, and ironically,
DuBois, who had attacked Garvey relentlessly, even stooping to
the level of pigment politics, died in Ghana. During the 1970
Congress of African People, Urban League executives, Democrats,
Caribbean Nationals and Members of the Nation of Islam got together
to discuss Africa and its importance to the entire Black world,
including Whitney Young, executive director of the National Urban
League, to Democratic party politicians such as Rev. Ralph Abernathy
and Rev. Jesse Jackson, representatives of the Diaspora such
as Roosevelt Douglas of Dominica, and Minister Louis Farrakhan
of the Nation of Islam. (14)
It would not be surprising that Garvey and Nkrumah would inspire
Muhammad, and that through him, later leaders of the Nation would
be inspired to focus upon Africa. The three men had fundamental
commonalities. All three had come from relatively obscure backgrounds.
All three were imprisoned: Garvey in 1925, Muhammad in 1942,
and Nkrumah in 1950-51. All three ran propaganda programs that
associated their leadership with Messianic redemption.
In the UNIA weekly Negro World, Garvey was described as
the founder of a new religion:
"I do not know whether or not Marcus Garvey is aware
of the fact that he has given the word a new religion; nevertheless,
he has… To me true Garveyism is a religion which is sane,
practical inspiring and satisfying." (15)
Nkrumah used his state paper, Evening News, to describe
himself:
"Some call him the Second Christ… as foretold in
the bible. Others call him Son of God the Messiah, the Organizer,
the Redeemer of Men…, yet Kwame Nkrumah puts it simply
to every follower: 'I am one of you; I belong to you and Africa.'" (16)
Muhammad's Muhammad Speaks and books described him as:
"The Messenger of Allah" – Fall
of America
All three fought with the wealthier Black
elements. The NAACP and A. Phillip Randolph took part in the "Garvey Must Go" initiative;
Thurgood Marshall accused Elijah Muhammad of being supported
by "thugs," financed by "some Arab group," and
Martin Luther King saw Elijah Muhammad as expressing "bitterness
and hatred." (17) Nkrumah had to dismiss conservative members
of the United Gold Coast Convention. (18) Most importantly, all
three were devoted to the end of colonialism; that was point
13 of the UNIA Declaration of Rights, a point in Elijah Muhammad's
1969 Saviour's Day lecture, and chapter 43 of the Fall of America.
There were important differences, especially in regard to women.
Nkrumah's Convention People's Party (CPP) relied upon a vocal
female element, whereas the UNIA Black Cross Nurses were mostly
morale builders and the Nation of Islam's MGT-GCC were mostly
concerned with domestic affairs. (19)
Kwame Nkrumah argued that imperialism and colonialism were motivated
by the economic greed of Europe, America and Japan. The 20th
century had been a century of war. In 1965, when Neo-colonialism:
The Last Stage of Imperialism was written, Western Europe and
America had gone through two wars of annihilation, fought in
Korea and were involved in Vietnam. Nkrumah stated that military
needs, especially nuclear development, were responsible for the
demand for mineral resources. The steel industry, which was providing
jobs for African-American Migrants in the second great migratory
wave, was being built on ore extracted at nearly no cost from
Africa. Astute African Americans were made aware of how intricate
they were to the resubjugation of Africa because the finished
products they were manufacturing were then sold back to Africans
at exorbitant costs. This forced the African leadership into
debt bondage, since they did not set the prices for the exports,
nor did they exercise leverage for the prices they were willing
to pay for finished goods.
"profits are forced out of Africa in the form of the
inflated cost of finished goods, equipment and services she
is forced to buy from the monopoly sources that extract the
prime materials. This is the big squeeze in which Africa is
caught, one that grew tighter from the eve of the First World
War." (20)
Nkrumah lambasted industrial advertisements
that encouraged exploration of the "jungles" of Africa. European concerns
and American media invested large amounts of time in warning
the world away from the savages of the African jungles. However,
they celebrated pioneering companies which went into Africa,
followed the patterns laid down in colonial times, and acquired
raw materials. The mechanization of "the jungle" was
celebrated because it allowed ease of transport of materials
away from the continent.
"In lush verbiage, the… advertisement describes
how 'deep in the tropical jungle of Central Africa lies one
of the world's richest deposits of manganese ore'. The site,
which is 'being developed by the French concern, Compagnie
Miniere de I'Ogooue, is located on the upper reach of the Ogooue
River in Gabon. After the ore is mined, it will first be carried
50 miles by cableway. Then it will be transferred to ore can
and hauled 300 miles by diesel-electric locomotives to the
port of Pointe Noire for shipment to the world's steel mills.'" (21)
Nkrumah made unity the central point of his program after leading
the country to independence and assuming power in 1957. His marriage
to Fathia Nkrumah in 1958 was designed to unify Nasser's Afro-Arab
state with Black Africa. (22) His government hosted the Conference
of Independent States and the All-African Peoples Conference
(1958). He made several attempts to unify Ghana with other African
nations: Guinea (1958), Guinea and Mali (1960). In 1961, he played
a lead role in ending the brutal colonial regime in Congo. (23)
He advocated return, and offered Ghana as the home of all African
Americans.
The independence of Ghana meant that it had recognized representation
at the U.N. John Hope Franklin says that the new state from whence
many African-Americans likely descended, took an active interest
in U.S. affairs. It may have influenced passage of the 1957 Civil
Rights Bill.
"As Congress began to debate the proposed civil rights
bill in the summer of 1957, the diplomatic representatives
from Ghana had taken up residence at the United Nations and
in Washington. This important fact could not be ignored by
responsible members of Congress. It seemed that black men from
the Old World had arrived just in time to help redress the
racial balance in the New." (24)
However, some influential Civil Rights leaders with deep ties
to liberal whites saw African differently. No less a figure that
Dr. King admitted that the new African states were inspiring
assertiveness among young African-Americans. He agreed that neocolonialism
was a rising problem. Yet he warned that the former colonial
powers and white Americans were unbeatable, and told whites that
emerging Pan-Africanists such as H. Rap Brown (Imam Jamil Al-Amin)
and Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture) were dangerous elements who
went against U.S./Israeli colonial interests. (25)
"There is no colored nation, including China, that now
shows even the potential of leading a violent revolution of
color in any international proportions. Ghana, Zambia, Tanganyika
and Nigeria are so busy fighting their own battles against
poverty, illiteracy and the subversive influence of neocolonialism
that they offer little hope to Angola, Southern Rhodesia and
South Africa, much less to the American Negro." (26)
Elijah Muhammad, on the other hand, saw
Africa as rising. His call for emigration increased after Ghana's
independence. (27)
In December 1957, he corresponded with Egypt's Gamal Nasser,
offering solidarity during the African-Asian conference. (28)
He traveled to Africa in 1959. (29) While he put those with cultural
nationalist ideas out of the temples for wearing "savage" dress,
he advocated working with "civilized" Muslim and Christian
Africans. He had a great deal of pull within the lower middle
and working class Black community and his messages were always
targeted toward the long-held strains of Nationalist thought.
At the Nation of Islam's height in 1974, Muhammad's messages
were broadcast on one-hundred-and-fourteen stations. (30) With
that sort of community influence, and proven fearlessness, many
of the cultural Nationalists who would never have been accepted
into the FOI or MGT-GCC still treated the NOI with great respect.
Sometimes organizations such as CORE, under the leadership of
James Farmer, were given positive press for their political views.
Theodore Vincent writes that Stokely Carmichael often sought
Muhammad's approval for his actions. (31)
"Take for example Carmichael. He stands pat. They say
that will do such and such but yet they don't and he still
is free. He is not even yet a spiritual believer, but he believes
in the Black man. Allah has taken the fear out of him. They
are more afraid of the black revolution than anything else." (32)
Disunity, or "balkanization," was an idea that the
Nation of Islam early seized upon and fought to counter. Nkrumah
said that disunity was the major tool of neo-colonialists. The
only way to counter it was through the unity of all African states.
He called for an All-African Union Government. The echo of Garvey's
Africa for the Africans could clearly be heard, and even members
of the Black community, who had never set foot on African soil,
could support the idea. It is likely that the struggle against "monopoly-capitalism" was
the reason that the Nation of Islam moved from the relatively
capitalist outlook of Elijah Muhammad to a distinctly anti-capitalist
perspective under Louis Farrakhan. (33) The formation of the
Organization of African Unity in Addis Ababa, 1963, brought a
shadow of Nkrumah's vision to the continent. It was weakened
by the policies of pro-European blocs, such as the Monrovia Group,
Brazzaville Group and the pro-French states led by the Ivory
Coast. Further, the East Africans had their own union, which
Nkrumah opposed. (34) However, even a tenuous attempt at African
unity heartened African Americans who wanted to see a strong
Black state. It certainly inspired Malik Shabazz's formation
of the Organization of Afro American Unity. He had traveled to
Africa twice after breaking with the NOI in 1964. (35)
"Upon this establishment, the Afro-American
people will launch a cultural revolution which will provide
the means for
restoring our identity that we might rejoin our brothers and
sisters on the African continent, culturally, psychologically,
economically, and share with them the sweet fruits of freedom
from oppression and independence of racist governments.
1. The Organization of Afro-American Unity welcomes all persons
of African origin to come together and dedicate their ideas,
skills, and lives to free our people from oppression.
2. Branches of the Organization of Afro-American Unity may
be established by people of African descent wherever they may
be and whatever their ideology - as long as they be descendants
of Africa and dedicated to our one goal: freedom from oppression.
3. The basic program of the Organization of Afro-American
Unity which is now being presented can and will be modified
by the membership, taking into consideration national, regional,
and local conditions that require flexible treatment.
4. The Organization of Afro-American Unity encourages active
participation of each member since we feel that each and every
Afro-American has something to contribute to our freedom. Thus
each member will be encouraged to participate in the committee
of his or her choice.
5. Understanding the differences that
have been created amongst us by our oppressors in order to
keep us divided, the Organization
of Afro-American Unity strives to ignore or submerge these
artificial divisions by focusing our activities and our loyalties
upon our one goal: freedom from oppression." (36)
Nkrumah was overthrown by the CIA in 1966 while in China. (37)
However, his principles inspired Pan-Africanists in the United
States. Ron Karenga credited Nkrumah with inspiring his philosophical
creativity. He learned of the works of Garvey through Nkrumah
and the need for complete renewal of the African self. Ron Karenga
(Maulana Karenga), who conceived the Kwanzaa celebration, began
with the concept of Kwaida.
"There is in Kwaida clear evidence of Nkrumah's stress
on 'nationalism, pan-Africanism and socialism' as essential
and interrelated pillars and projects for liberation; belief
and rootedness in the masses of people; groundedness in the
'elevated values' of traditional African culture; the power
and possibilities of relentless organizing and organization;
the collective responsibility of each one to teach one; and
the commitment and call of 'forward ever, backward never.'" (38)
After Elijah Muhammad's death in 1975, Wallace Muhammad (Imam
W.D. Mohammed) began transforming the Nation of Islam into a
Sunni community. As a result the NOI split, with staunch anti-integration
Nationalists breaking off to maintain the traditional teachings.
Louis Farrakhan became the leader of the main body, though other
former ministers also claimed the mantle of the Lost-Found Nation.
All of the community maintained interest in Africa. In October,
1975, Wallace Muhammad met with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat.
In 1990, he contributed $85,000.00 to Nelson Mandela. (39)
Whether Elijah Muhammad, Malcolm X, Wallace
Muhammad (Imam W.D. Mohammed) or Louis Farrakhan read Nkrumah's
work, the idea of
neocolonialism had been well absorbed by the time of the 1995
Million Man March. The Nation of Islam has never become comfortable
with the practical aspects of Nkrumah's plan (according to Ghadaffi,
African leadership has not become comfortable either (40) ).
The idea of building economic strength by forming cartels of "interlocking
directorships and cross-shareholdings" has not worked in
America or on the continent. However, it did learn from the failures
of Nkrumah, managing to retain the loyalty of its members even
where projects have been costly failures. With the double-edged
benefit of being a vocal group in a white supremacist state,
with a broad membership base that remains against integration,
NOI leadership has consistently managed to use the basic program
of Black unity as a bulwark against attempts at dismantling its
economic and political structure.
Despite the opposition of some old-guard African-Americans,
the Nation of Islam instituted economic programs and used its
ties to Africa for investment. Paul Robeson, Jr. came out against
the Nation's Power line of products, arguing that political power
had precedent. However, the Nation of Islam had already endorsed
the presidential bids of both the Reverend Jesse Jackson and
Lenora Fulani. When Ghaddafi, who offered to switch the importation
of personal care items from Europe to the NOI, also offered to
invest monetarily, the Clinton administration blocked the transfer,
openly stating that it was against the interest of white ethnic
groups. (41)
In 1994, Farrakhan made an economic assessment of West Africa.
He and a delegation of 2,000 business people visited Accra, Ghana,
in the first International Saviours' Day (renamed from Saviour's
Day). There were high expectations about strengthening economic
ties with the Nation of Islam and also with East coast American
cities. Thirteen years after the trip, it seems that little came
of the negotiations. But the symbolism is perhaps more important.
In that Saviours' Day conference, all the elements of Pan-Africanism
met, including the presence of integrated Afro-Americans. It
suggests that the long desired unity across all classes, true
Black-For-Black, is becoming a reality.
"Baltimore has the largest open-water port on the East
Coast. We can make use of that with linkages with African and
Asian nations, but we're not doing that right now. I'm hoping
that Min. Farrakhan can build that bridge," State Sen.
Mitchell said. (42)
Marcus Garvey, Kwame Nkrumah, and Elijah
Muhammad were three central figures in African history who
inspired people on both
sides of the Atlantic. Garvey was the forerunner, calling for
independence and Black-on-Black marriage. He envisioned Pan-African
unity and named himself President because someone had to. Muhammad
was the supporter who was inspired to reinvigorate the masses
to Black Power and Black Pride in the 1930's while his former
President was in exile. Nkrumah was the student, the only continental
African of the three and took Garvey's call for unity to Africa.
He inspired Afro-Americans in turn when he pulled out of the
British Commonwealth as a show of Black racial support in the
face of the 1965 British racial support of the white regime in
Rhodesia. (43) The economic requirements of Nkrumahism have been
the greatest challenge. The continent and scattered communities
are still working to implement the post-1963 requirements of "one
voice for Africa, a single currency, an African monetary zone,
an African central bank, a continental communication system." (44)
Nkrumah's success was in calling for the return home and cultural
nationalism. Nearly every Nationalist organization which survived
the CoIntelpro attacks took up cultural nationalism and a variety
of holidays, manners of dress and visits to Africa have ensued.
The NOI was theologically incapable of becoming true cultural
nationalists, though representative Akbar Muhammad was sent to
Ghana in 1995. Through the 2020 Investment group, the Nation
has been able to work with cultural nationalists in order to
consider Ghana's land offer and consequently ending the double-consciousness
of still more African-Americans. (45)
"But, whiles I must make this physical
departure,
spiritually, I will not leave you and God will take
care of you. When you feel a cool breeze blow across
your face every now and then, just know that it comes
from the deep reservoir of love that I hold for you.
Oh, by the way, Christ is Black; I see him walking at
a distance with Nkrumah. I think they are coming over
to greet me."
"My feet have felt the sands
Of many nations,
I have drunk the water
Of many springs.
I am old,
Older than the pyramids,
I am older than the race
That oppresses me.
I will live on…
I will out-live oppression.
I will out-live oppressors.
DETERMINATION"
John Henrik Clarke - July 16, 1998
From Dr. Conrad Worril, "Remembering
Dr. John Henrik Clarke as a Source of Wisdom,"BlackCommentator.com
Maryam Sharron Muhammad Shabazz: PhD Graduate Student, Department
of History, Howard University - Returned Peace Corps Volunteer,
Uzbek Group 14, 2002-2003 - TransAfrica Intern, Fall 2006 -
General Member Association for the Study of Classical African
Civilizations (ASCAC). Click
here to contact Ms. Shabazz.
4. Elliott P. Skinner, "The Dialectic: Diasporas and
Homelands," in Joseph E. Harris, ed. Global
Dimensions of the African Diaspora,
(Howard University Press, 1993), 23
5. ibid
6. FADSI – First African Diaspora
Studies Institute (FADSI), as described in Martin, Tony.
Garvey and Scattered
Africa, in Joseph E. Harris, ed. Global
Dimensions of the African Diaspora, (Howard University
Press, 1993), 441
16. March 7, 1960, Evening News, reproduced
in Rupe Simms, "I
am a Non-Denominational Christian and a Marxist-Socialist:" A
Gramscian Analysis of the Convention People's Party and Kwame
Nkrumah's Use of Religion." Sociology of Religion, (2003,
64:4), 470-472
33. Corey
Muhammad, "Farrakhan says: This is our last chance"
34. Duffield, 29
35. The Last Interview; Malcolm X, Al-Muslimoon Staff (from
the Malcolm X Museum) Taken from Al-Muslimoon
Magazine, February, 1965
36. Establishment, Program of the Organization of Afro-American
Unity
37. A. Akbar Muhammad. (Africa Representative of the Nation
of Islam). The
CIA At 50:
50 Years of Dirty Tricks. Karenga, Maulana, "Speaking
Freedom, Celebrating the People: Ghana @ 50, Nkrumah @ First," Los
Angeles Sentinel, 3-8-07, A7 38. Maulana Karenga, "Ghana at 50"
39. Aleem, et al. A History of Muslim African Americans, (Calumet
City, IL: WDM Publications, 2006), 177
40. "Al Gathafi Tells African Leaders "If We Had
Only Listened to Nkrumah" New African, (August/September
2005), 30-33; and Kwame Nkrumah, quoted in New African, (October
2005, 18-19); All-African People's Conferences. International
Organization. Vol. 16, No. 2, Africa and International Organization
(Spring 1962), 429-434
41. Richard W. Stevenson, Officials to Block Qaddafi Gift
to Farrakhan , (August
28, 1996),
43. "None of Us Can Stand Alone." (July
2007, New African), 13
44. Ghaddafi, 32
45. Travel
to Ghana, Africa with Akbar Muhammad on July 27-August
8, 2007
BIBLIOGRAPHY
"Al Gathafi Tells African Leaders "If We Had Only
Listened to Nkrumah" New African, (August/September 2005)
, 30-33
Aleem, Marvis A., A. Hameed el-Amin, Amir N. Muhammad, Glenn
Chambers. A History of Muslim African Americans . Calumet City,
IL: WDM Publications, 2006
All-African People's Conferences. International Organization.
Vol. 16, No. 2, Africa and International Organization (Spring
1962), pp 429-434
The list of Radio
Stations that aired Weekly Broadcasts From Messenger
Elijah Muhammad. Reprinted from the October 4, 1974 edition
of Muhammad Speaks Newspaper.
Low, W. Augustus, and Virgil A. Clift. ENCYCLOPEDIA
OF BLACK AMERICA.
Reprint (New York: McGraw Hill, 1981), 4th printing. A. Da
Capo Paperback, 1990
Mamiya, Lawrence H. From Black Muslim to Bilalian: The Evolution
of a Movement. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion
, (Vol. 21, No. 2 (Jun., 1982)), 138-152
Jerry Rawlings and Louis Farrakhan at the 17th annual Ghana
fest in Chicago. Photo with caption. The New York Amsterdam
News . Page 2 August 10-16, 2006
Romero, Patricia. "W.E.B. DuBois, Pan-Africans and Africa
1963-1973." Journal of Black Studies , Vol. 6, No. 4 (June
1976), 321-336
Saaka, Yakubu. Recurrent Themes in Ghanaian Politics: Kwame
Nkrumah's Legacy. Journal of Black Studies, Vol. 24, No. 3,
Special Issue: Social, Economic, Political, and Cultural Dimensions
of Life in Ghana. (Mar. 1994), pp. 263-280
Simms, Rupe. "I am a Non-Denominational Christian and
a Marxist-Socialist:" A Gramscian Analysis of the Convention
People's Party and Kwame Nkrumah's Use of Religion." Sociology
of Religion, 2003, 64:4, pp. 463-477
Stevenson, Richard W. Officials to Block Qaddafi Gift to Farrakhan.
(August
28, 1996).
Travel
to Ghana, Africa with Akbar Muhammad on July 27-August
8, 2007
Ture, Kwame. Interview by Ida Lewis, May
6, 1998. New York "Kwame
Ture on Kwame Nkrumah: Nkrumah was a True Visionary: A Genuine
Pan-Africanist." Crisis, July 1998, p. 44-46
If you send us an e-Mail
message we may publish all or part of it, unless you
tell us it is not for publication. You may also request
that we withhold your name.