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“The time has come
for the primal history of modernity
to be reconstructed from the slaves’ point of view"
-Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic
“My Ancestors” or “our Ancestors” always trigger a startled
look or a sudden smile from whites. The startled are those
who are rather stunned that I would bring them up and that long
ago time. I suspect, too, it is a new experience to be reminded
of them and that time, for the startled suddenly
drift into an expression of pain, as if they were experiencing
a pinched nerve. Those who display the sudden smile, know
of this feeling of pain and they have developed a mechanism
that automatically shuts down the brain's ability to imagine
any disturbing images associated with “my Ancestors,” “our
Ancestors.”
Our Ancestors — those Africans kidnapped, purchased, shipped,
and enslaved in the Americas, who permitted this country, in
particular, to flex its industrial muscles. The labor, ingenuity,
creativity, suffering, and death of my ancestors contributed
greatly to the imperialist development of this nation. Four
hundred years of people unfree, people exploited, brutalized,
raped, lynched — four hundred years of this violence — contributed
to the development of the leisure life of wealth, to the development
of the middle class.
Let’s not forget that white Affirmative
Action has been a critical factor in the formation of the
white working class,
writes David R. Roediger (The Wages of Whiteness) and
the “systematic development of a sense of whiteness went hand
in hand for the US white working class.” Enslaved Blacks,
those millions and millions of Africans and their descendents,
toiled to make possible this sense of whiteness. White supremacy,
as an ideology, spoke of “liberty” from England or the Old
World in order to “protect black slavery,” write the historians
Alfred W. and Ruth G. Blumrosen (Slave Nation). Freedom
meant “white freedom” and equality referred to equality with
Europeans. Pioneers could run roughshod through hills and
mountains, killing and maiming the Native American population
with impunity, on their way to gold in the west. With the
east, north, and south already devastated by the violence of
enslavement, it was now time to secure the remaining country
for further exploration. By the millions, these ancestors contributed
greatly to this nation’s discourse on freedom and equality,
even while the practice of slavery and the carrying out of
genocide represented the first display by the U.S. of its use
of weapons of mass destruction.
It could also be said that the Ancestors have been a factor
in unifying violence as a way to respond to difference,
particularly racial difference. Yet, those millions of Ancestors,
then, desired freedom from the pursuit of “white freedom.” Black
people desired freedom — peace — from violence, but many were
quite capable of defending themselves, their families and communities.
They desired, in short, non-violence, and they documented this
desire in countless slave narratives, speeches, sermons, essays,
and novels. The Ancestors were visionaries who could envision
the possibility of justice and equality for all of humanity.
We have all benefited from the existence
of the Ancestors — it
just depends on what is claimed as an inheritance as a result
of their existence in the U.S.
The Ancestors who spoke from the experience
of oppression are here, still active for some of us opposed
to domestic and
foreign aggression and the passively engaging of America’s
desire for wealth and power in the Middle East. The whole
nation now — from east to west, north to south — is devastated
by economic policies that benefit the “entrappers,” merchants,
shipbuilders, property moguls, and overseers. The Middle East,
like Africa in the past, has something Americans want to possess — by
any means necessary. In that case, I suppose the Ancestors
are a shadowy people from which white Americans and some Black
Americans want to separate, in order to forget.
I find it necessary to point out that
my Ancestors and their descendents, as well as Native Americans,
Latino/as, Asians,
Muslims, and Arabs have usually been on the receiving end of
America’s violence.
So this brings me to Martin, M.L.K.
Columbia,
My dear girl,
You really haven’t been a virgin for
so long
It’s ludicrous to keep up the pretext.
You’re terribly involved in world assignations
And everybody knows it.
You’ve slept with all the big powers
In military uniforms,
And you’ve taken the sweet life
Of all the little brown fellows
In loin cloths and cotton trousers.
When they’ve resisted,
You’ve yelled, “Rape,”
At the top of your voice
And called for middies
To beat them up for not being gentlemen
And liking your crooked painted mouth.
(You must think the moons of Hawaii
Disguise your ugliness)
Really,
You’re getting a little too old,
Columbia,
To be so naïve, and so coy.
Being one of the world’s big vampires,
Why don’t you come out and say so
Like Japan, and England, and France,
And all the other nymphomaniacs of power
Who’ve long since dropped their
Smokescreen of innocence
To sit frankly on a bed of bombs?...
Thank you, Langston
Hughes! (And what do they call Black women?)
The King of “Beyond Vietnam” (delivered at Riverside Church
in New York, April 4, 1967, exactly a year before his assignation)
had come a long way from the King of “I have a Dream” (1963).
This is the King who most Americans prefer to forget, if they
remembered this King or read of this King at all. This is
the King who cost him his life, not the King who spoke of little
Black children sitting side by side little white children. This
is the King who generates a collective sudden smile. This
King was hated because he spoke of white America’s obsession
with domestic and foreign violence.
That day at Riverside, King said that
he formed his dissent on the war in Vietnam “based upon mandates of conscience and
the reading of history.” When others objected and told him
that “‘Peace and civil rights don’t mix’” (can you imagine!)
and asked if he were not “hurting the cause” of his people,
King said he was “greatly saddened.” These people did not know
him or anything about his calling, nor did they “know the world
in which they live.” Therefore, that day, King gathered up
his spirit, not to speak to “Hanoi or the National Liberation
Front.” Instead, King spoke, he said, “to my fellow Americans.”
First, King said he found the struggles
against poverty in the U.S. interrupted for “adventures like Vietnam.” In a “society
gone mad with war,” people, skills, and money to fight poverty
at home suddenly went down “some demonic, destructive suction
tube.” War, King understood, was “an enemy of the poor.”
Even more tragic was the way the Black
youth were called upon to defend “freedom” and “democracy” in a foreign land. “We
are taking the black young men who had been crippled by our
society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee
liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest
Georgia and East Harlem.” In turn, King said, this “cruel manipulation” of
the poor devastated the hopes of the entire Black community.
Black parents, mentors and coaches are encouraging Black youth
to stay home thus “undermining the imperial machinery of death,” John
Walsh writes.
On October 15, 2007, Walsh’s article, “Why Won’t Liberals
Join Them? Blacks Turn Against the War,” notes how the numbers
of young Blacks joining the military today has dropped significantly. Still
over-represented in the military, Blacks have halted their
turn “over to the merchants of death.” “The Black Resistance
to the war is poetic justice, given the racist roots of the
neocon movement that spawned the war,” he continues. “It is
simply not racism directed at Muslims and Arabs that informed
the neocon project but racism directed at Blacks and Hispanics
from the very first.”
In a speech given prior to “Beyond Vietnam” speech, King said
that “America has been backlashing for more than three hundred
years.” (“The Other America"). There hasn’t been a single
commitment to Black progress on the part of white America,” he
added. Today, forty years later, Blacks are subjected to unfair
jail and prison terms; Black children are still subjected to
a denigrating education; and nooses are appearing in neighborhood
yards, at the workplace or on office doors even while the country
ask that Black youth serve the “merchants of death” so white
America and middle-classed Blacks can continue engaging in
their favorite pastime activities — shopping and overlooking
the destruction of lives here and abroad. And in keeping with
the heritage of their Ancestors, the Black community, once
again, has spoken.
Back at Riverside Church, King said that
he had come to oppose the war in Vietnam because of the issue
of violence.
As I have walked among the desperate,
rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov
cocktails and rifles
would not solve their problems. I have tried to offer my
deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social
change
comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. But they
asked, and rightly so, ‘What about Vietnam?’…Their questions
hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice
against violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having
first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in
the world today: my own government. For the sake of those
boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the
hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot
be silent.
In Vietnam, the killing of bodies and
of spirits was already a practice of the American government
against the Black community. And
in keeping with our Ancestors, who truly fought for freedom
and equality, who wanted an end to the violence, and who spoke
out at risk of death, King, too, spoke out against aggression,
against war, torture — violence that killed thousands of innocent
lives per day and disrupted families and communities.
Today, the consequence of a foundation
in violence is still very real. As someone recently told
me, we need only substitute the word Vietnam in King’s
Riverside speech with the words Iraq or Afghanistan.
We were told what to expect from this kind of existence forty
years ago…
Columbia, my dear…
“If we continue,” King said “There will be no doubt in my
mind and in the minds of the world that we have no honorable
intentions in Vietnam. If we do not stop the war against the
people of Vietnam immediately, the world will be left with
no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy,
and deadly game we have decided to play. The world now demands
a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve.”
Columbia,
You darling,
Don’t shoot… (Langston, again)
And, again, they shoot the messenger. What a surprise!
The King of 1967 and 1968 still speaks to us, forty years
later.
America’s “maturity,” to cite Black Commentator columnist,
Larry Pinkney (Keeping
It Real – Issue 249 – October 18, 2007), demands “the much
needed fundamental structural/systematic change” and no mere
reform. Reform, he writes, “would simply serve to continue
the masquerade of American democracy and white liberals, conservatives,
and their surrogates know this.”
Ultimately, America’s “maturity” depends on its recognition
and rejection of its heritage of violence and its acknowledgement
of the heritage of the Ancestors who offer a way to truly understand
the meaning of freedom and equality — or this country will
find its way down that “demonic, destructive suction tube” for
sure this time.
In the meantime, Black America will not
wait because we have long known that the call of our Ancestors
is to struggle and
free ourselves from the nymphomaniac of power and her smokescreen
of innocence. Freedom is never given to a people, we must
remember, and we have never sat by idly as we resisted the
bed of bombs.
BlackCommentator.com Columnist
Jean Daniels. PhD is a writer and lecturer in Madison, Wisconsin.. Click
here to contact Dr. Daniels.
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