In the past few months, Palestinians in the Diaspora
have watched with horror the latest developments in their homeland.
There has been a flurry of articles about what to do, but overall
there is a feeling that they are helpless to affect the situation
on the ground. What has been missing is an understanding that
Palestinians in the Diaspora must undertake a clear assessment
of their own situation if they are to have any impact at all.
The recent events have cast light on dark deeds: the collaboration
between Mahmoud Abbas and associates like Mohammed Dahlan on
the one hand, and Israel on the other; the transfer of weapons
and training by the US and other countries to certain Palestinian
militias, whose mission was to overthrow the result of the January
2006 election. Palestinians see clearly that Abbas - who embraces
Israeli leaders while refusing to talk to other Palestinian
factions - was the author of the Oslo agreement that never even
mentioned the word "occupation," and is now discussing
a new "agreement of principles" that will cancel the
right of return, legitimize Israeli settlements and threaten
other basic rights. In short, what we have now is a clique of
collaborators in control of Fatah and the Palestinian Authority
"presidency" and much of what is left of the PLO.
In the Western Diaspora - Canada,
the United States and Europe - in the past ten years, by contrast,
Palestinians have undergone something of a revival. There has
been growth in numbers, institutions and activities. For the
most part, this has been dependent on young people. For example,
students' networks like Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights
(SPHR) in Canada and the Palestinian Solidarity Committee (PSC)
in the US, along with Al-Awda, are all overwhelmingly composed
of people under 35 years old. These networks came into existence
after the collapse of Palestinian institutions in the Diaspora,
following the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993. At that time,
PLO institutions were sidelined by the Oslo leadership in exchange
for the creation of the Palestinian Authority (only to be resurrected
recently as a rubber stamp for Abbas' collaboration with Israel
last month), effectively leaving the Diaspora disenfranchised.
Many long-established local Palestinian
groups, particularly those associated with the dominant factions,
were not able to adapt to the new realities. They failed to
provide the basic services, assistance and representation any
immigrant community center must provide to its constituency.
But they also let the community down politically, failing to
take strong public positions challenging the flaws of Oslo,
or engaging in effective organizing. This led to a decline in
membership in many community centers, dropping from the thousands
to mere dozens.
In the absence of alternative structures for representation,
and with the emergence of the Internet, groups like SPHR and
Al-Awda, among others, and independent media like The Electronic
Intifada started popping up across North America in the mid-1990s
and early 2000s. After the second intifada broke out, they became
the most visible and vocal forces standing up to Israeli and
Zionist propaganda, providing a mechanism for young Palestinians
in the Diaspora to talk to each other and organize. Thus, they
also provided an invaluable service to the community: self-education
and celebration. Zionist institutions grudgingly credited these
projects with challenging the monopoly they had held on the
western media narrative, making it harder to pass pro-Israeli
propaganda without a response from an increasing number of articulate
individuals.
Of course these successes were not without hardships. There
were the dark times after 2001, as pro-Israel groups launched
their weight against the most visible advocates of Palestinian
rights. In Canada, student activists were targeted with expulsions
and criminal charges and in the United States, professors who
were deemed too outspoken were the focus of intense campaigns
of vilification and intimidation. At the same time, US authorities
tried to send a message with politically-motivated prosecutions
against individuals like Professor
Sami al-Arian. Despite all these efforts, the community,
as a whole, has not been frightened.
The battle that has gotten less attention
has been the one within the community. The self-proclaimed community
leaders and associations of the old guard largely avoided publicly
supporting many of those on the front lines or even worked clandestinely
to undermine them. In some cases, it was the innocent warnings
from frightened parents to their children, "don't join
SPHR!" In others, it was the attempts to hold "dialogue"
groups, presenting the "civilized" Arab as an alternative.
For instance, right after the "Concordia Uprising"
in 2002, when Benjamin Netanyahu was denied his right to spread
hate speech, the Concordia Administration held a panel discussion
with a few Zionist and Arab individuals. One of the tokens said
"We can be civilized; see, we can agree to disagree!"
Yet these obstacles were never more than minor distractions
to the Palestinian movement in the west, until the movement
really started to take off. The lightning rods targeted by Zionist
organizations survived. This only encouraged more people to
be involved, and emboldened them. Along with all the remarkable
achievements of the movement within the student and labor unions
and the anti-war movement, this created an unprecedented amount
of maneuvering space for Palestinians. And here is where the
problems started. Suddenly, all those "liberal" and
"civilized" individuals understood that the train
was leaving without them. Having failed to stop the movement,
some are desperately trying to regain legitimacy in order to
take control of this new space.
In the US and Canada, there have been calls for national meetings
to formulate umbrella organizations that would speak on behalf
of all Palestinians living there. But why now, and who is involved?
Two things need to be pointed out before we answer these questions.
First, for the most part, the front line organizations like
SPHR and Al-Awda are defined as "solidarity groups,"
although they are founded and led by Palestinians and even the
majority of their membership is Palestinian. Second, these groups
are not affiliated with any of the "old country" feuds
or factions because their membership is mostly young and never
belonged to these factions. This is relevant because some actors
have insisted that these incipient national organizations be
centered on these old and largely irrelevant factional identities.
Others are insisting that only Palestinians be allowed to participate,
which opened the discussion of who is a Palestinian. These issues
are being purposefully exaggerated in order to exclude solidarity
groups and/or give more voting power to failed "community
groups." The constant talk of blood quantum ("only
your mother is Palestinian!") is also designed as psychological
pressure against the young students to make it uncomfortable
to be in those meetings.
Why is all this happening now? When
the day comes for Abbas to sign on the line - giving up Palestinian
rights - he needs a Diaspora leadership that is in line with
his decisions. In Canada, almost all Palestinian advocacy and
community groups have been involved in these efforts, but our
tried, tested and failed "elite" are trying very hard
to take the helm once again - if not by democracy, then by any
means necessary. Since these discussions started last year,
some of the steadfast individuals have received physical threats
and even death threats. And things have not gotten serious yet.
In the past two years in Europe, Palestinians were able to form
an umbrella group that actually challenged the Abbas line, and
tried to challenge the ban on the elected Hamas government.
It may be no coincidence that now the old "elite"
in Canada are receiving backing from Abbas and his entourage.
Since last year, there has been a rash of Fatah visits to Canada
and the US where the primary goal is meeting with prospective
allies here, to prepare them for seats in a revived (but Abbas
controlled) PLO. Fatah sent senior representatives to rally
the support of Palestinians in Canada late last year and this
summer, following the events in Gaza and promised rewards to
potential allies.
Palestinians in the Diaspora need
to learn the lesson from Gaza and Lebanon. Although all Palestinians
desire unity, it is impossible, because of those who are actively
collaborating with the Israeli agenda and seeking to undermine
the Palestinian movement for liberation. We cannot allow those
who hijacked Palestinian institutions in Palestine in order
to serve Israel to do the same in the Diaspora.
Many have argued that we need to
revive and democratize the PLO, but the question is how to do
that. It is clear that those who still control the PLO structures
will never willingly allow this to happen. There must be grassroots
pressure to bring that about. If the PLO is not open to democratization,
we should call for national and international conferences for
all Palestinian communities to form a new democratic organization
that represents all sections of our society. It will be an enormous
challenge, but it is one we have to meet to make clear there
is no mandate and no possibility for Abbas, or any other would-be
collaborator, to sign away Palestinian rights. Judging from
the emerging agenda of the US-planned "peace conference"
in November, it may be now or never for us to act.
[This commentary originally appeared in The Electronic
Intifada.]
Laith Marouf is the Chapter Coordinator of SPHR, the largest
network of students working on Palestinian human rights in North
America. He can be reached at [email protected]
or visit www.sphr.org for more information.