Thirty-five years ago, the covers were pulled off the Tuskegee
                syphilis experiment conducted by the Macon County Public Health
                Service (PHS). The 40-year experiment allegedly was set up to
                study the impact of untreated syphilis on some 600 black men,
                about 200 in a control group, beginning in 1932.           
              Although it certainly wasn’t the first or last of racist experiments
                on black people, historian James Jones and author of Bad Blood
                has described as "the longest non-therapeutic experiment
                on human beings in medical history."  
              In her book, Medical Apartheid, Harriet Washington explores the “dark
                history of medical experimentation on black Americans, from colonial
                times to the present.” Washington gives numerous examples of
                lesser-known experiments on black men, women and children
                by men of science and medicine. In most cases, these men went
                down in history, decorated and revered for their deadly works.
              
              The notorious Tuskegee “research” was the brainchild of “The
                Syphilis Men”:  Drs. Taliaferro Clark, Oliver Wenger, John
                Heller and Raymond Vonderlehr. They were the liberal minds of
                that day, so I can’t imagine what would have happened if the
                good doctors had been avowed racists. To avoid the racist label,
                the project needed - and received - the support of a black institution
                and its prominent doctors. Both Dr. Robert Moton, President of
                Tuskegee Institute and Dr. Dibble, head of the John Andrew Hospital
                at the Institute, enthusiastically signed off on the reprehensible
                project. Dibble proudly anticipated the hospital and the
                Institute would “get credit for this piece of research work." 
              There were other notable African-Americans attached to the project.
                Sociologist Charles Johnson did a study of the county’s black
                residents, to provide the baseline data for the experiment.
              
              Macon County, Alabama was chosen as the site of the study because
                of the high rate of the venereal disease as well as the accompanying
                high rates of illiteracy and poverty. When the black men came
                to the clinic to be treated and were found to be infected, they
                were siphoned off to be part of the infamous study for their “bad
                blood”. The goal was never to treat them but to keep them in
                the program until death, where their real value would finally
                pay off with the data collected from the autopsies. 
              In return for their participation in the study, the men were
                given free medical exams, free meals and free burial insurance.
                The word free should definitely be in quotes because there was
                nothing free here, as many paid the ultimate price.
              The symptoms of syphilis in its advanced, untreated
                  stages are general ill feelings, muscle aches, joint pain,
                  enlarged lymph nodes and hair loss. Because the disease affects
                  the cardiovascular and central nervous systems, the men were
                  subject to aneurysms, heart disease, blindness, paralysis,
                  insanity and other debilitating conditions. Even when penicillin
                  was developed as the accepted cure for syphilis in 1947 and
                  even when some of the men enlisted to serve in World War II,
                  treatment was still denied.
              Eunice Rivers had a unique role in this shameful project. She
                is often portrayed as a helpless pawn or it would be said that
                her behavior was justified for the historical period, i.e. a
                black nurse did what white doctors told her to do. For me, Nurse
                Eunice Rivers was the most despicable player in the game. 
              Rivers was the only one who stayed the duration of the project,
                choosing to continue even after she retired. She was given the
                opportunity to take a job in New York City but rejected it, opting
                instead to be used by the project. Nurse Rivers carried out the
                invaluable role of winning the trust of the men and their families
                and keeping them involved through a series of trickery and incentives.
                She passed on personal and family information to doctors, along
                with black cultural nuances, to exploit as the study saw fit.
                She was so trusted that the men would come to her for advice
                not related to the study.
              
              Apparently, Missy Rivers starting to get full of herself. The
                research project came to be known as “Miss Rivers Lodge.” The
                good ole' boys let her sign off on some of their public reports
                and she’s even been photographed with the white doctors, appearing
                to look like an equal colleague. Rivers pumped these black guinea
                pigs up with the notion that they were special because the men
                were participating in an important government project. The Tuskegee
                subjects would often be seen waving to friends from Miss Rivers’ fancy “guvment” van
                on the way to receiving their fake treatment of pink aspirin. 
              The story finally broke in the Washington Star in 1972,
                based upon information from whistleblower, Peter Buxtun, a former
                PHS employee. Buxton was a young, Polish immigrant who ended
                up doing interviews for the study. Once he found out the real
                deal, he started writing letters to the higher-ups in the health
                department, pleading for them to stop the project. During his
                stint at law school, he continued to write the letters, trying
                to get the attention of those in authority, until it was clear
                that his words were falling on deaf ears. That’s when he went
                to the media.
              The wonder of the Tuskegee experiment was that it was not exactly
                a secret. While the men, their families and their communities
                knew nothing of the contemptible research, many in the medical
                field did. There were periodic reports on the study to the broader
                medical community. There was never an active intervention by
                any of those who read the reports or from those who worked in
                the public health sectors of county, state and federal government.
                There were also benefactors involved such as the Rosenwald Fund
                and Milbank Memorial Fund, who underwrote various aspects of
                the project. They should all go down in history as co-conspirators
                to commit murder.
              By the abrupt end of the experiment in 1972, nearly 30 of the
                men had died directly of syphilis, 100 were dead of related complications,
                40 of their wives had been infected, and 19 of their children
                had been born with congenital syphilis. Ultimately, the study
                had no redeeming scientific outcomes that could be used for the
                greater good of society. 
              In 1997, then President Clinton issued a formal apology to the
                survivors and their families, yet all the main characters associated
                with carrying out the mission of the Tuskegee experiment went
                to their graves unrepentant and unremorseful about their participation.
                The families of survivors received compensation from a class
                action suit filed on their behalf. The physical, psychological
                and emotional pain and suffering of the men and the families
                who had to watch them deteriorate is incalculable and no dollar
                amount is adequate.
              In the wake of the Clinton apology, Tuskegee University received
                funds for their National Center of Bioethics. I want to believe
                that it represents something good coming from evil but thinking
                of the profound suffering of the Macon County families, there’s
                not much comfort in trying to make such a reconciliation.
              
              The Tuskegee syphilis experiment is an enduring stain on human
                medicine. The mistrust of African-Americans toward the medical
                industry, as well as the government, remains steadfast and justifiable. 
              It was no surprise that when AIDS hit the scene, a poll showed
                that a sizeable sector of African-Americans believed that the
                disease was man-made. Most sadly, it is the poor and uneducated
                whose health prognosis is bleaker than their counterparts. It
                is that class who sometimes makes a conscious choice not to
                go to a doctor or refuses to take medication. 
              The medical industrial complex has proven that poor folks aren’t
                the only ones who should expect to get a raw deal. Their equal
                opportunity approach has been duly documented in Michael
                Moore’s documentary Sicko. The African-American community
                must find ways to address medical accountability, healthcare
                inequities and other impediments to achieving a healthy body
                and mind. 
              For radicals, our revenge or duty -
                    whichever one motivates you more - is to be models of healthy
                    lifestyles. Live longer to fight longer. That is a radical
                    act in a capitalist society.
              BlackCommentator.com  Editorial Board
                    member Jamala Rogers is the leader of the Organization
                    for Black Struggle in St. Louis and the Black
                    Radical Congress National Organizer. Click
                    here to contact Ms. Rogers.