A very strange
article appeared July 19th in a major German news magazine.
A harsh, front page
attack on a U.S. Presidential candidate in a publication
like Der Spiegel is probably unprecedented, but
there it was - Obama Unplugged’ by Gabor Steingart.
He is the author of A Causality of Globalization: The
Death of Unions, that is also a section of his book World
War for Wealth: The Global Grab for Power and Prosperity.
He heads the magazine’s Washington office. Steingart’s blast
was not criticism from a progressive quarter for Obama’s
fence sitting - and sometimes-backward positions - on a number
of important questions. It was a reflection of a vigorous
campaign being waged by conservatives, neo-conservatives
and the like against some critical ideas and aspirations
of an emerging progressive majority of the people in the
U.S.
"Obama," wrote
Steingart, “does exactly what populists like to do most:
He compares apples
and oranges. A kids’ project in Harlem that he would like
to see extended
across America costs $46 million a year -- the kind of money
that is spent in
just one morning in the Iraq war, he says. Let's invest this
money better, he
calls out to the audience. The applause speaks for the effectiveness
of these kinds of comparisons. But it also speaks against
the
candidate. Buying toys
instead of weapons is the surest way for America to lose
its status as a superpower.
The conflict with an aggressive Islam could not be won in
this way.”
“Naturally
Obama knows this -- that's why in an article for Foreign Affairs he
writes that in his opinion the US military urgently needs
to be 'revitalized.'"
That means
more money, more soldiers and more ground forces -- he suggests
an increase
of around 100,000 men and women. "A strong military
is, more than anything, necessary to sustain peace," he
writes." But Foreign Affairs is hardly daily reading
in America's poorest neighborhoods. The lack of education
bemoaned by Obama, the social policy specialist, renders
valuable services to Obama, the foreign policy expert.” (Here
Steingart has a point. Shades of President Johnson’s “guns
and butter;” some of Obama’s foreign policy views are indeed
out of sync with our domestic needs).
Obama “proceeds
on the basis that no one in the audience is capable of mental
arithmetic,” writes
Steingart. “After all, if his speech became government policy
tomorrow, then the new president would have to head straight
to the International
Monetary Fund the next day to ask for a loan. Obama is demanding
what the Republicans call ‘big government,’ a free-spending
state. He promises to bring
in socialized medicine without mentioning how he will finance
it. He wants to
found an American bank for the poor, based on the concept
of the World Bank, he wants to give money to after-school
centers and transform the minimum wage into a real living
wage, which would automatically increase with any rise in
inflation.” This, Steingart suggests, would only devalue
the dollar.
Steingart,
who has described low-income German workers as “white trash” believes “the
main thing that sets the modern poor apart from the industrial
age pauper is a sheer lack of interest in education.” He is partial to German Chancellor Andrea Merkel who
he says has “taken the country back to where it belongs --
at America's side” and who he sees as closer politically
to Senator Hilary Clinton than to the Republicans. He says
that Merkel hasn’t met with Clinton because she avoids interfering
in U.S. international politics – something about which he
clearly has no qualms.
The senator
from Illinois is not neocon Steingart’s real target. Obama
is only his foil for expressing his alarm at the way some
issues are
emerging in U.S. politics.
Enter Linda
Chavez. “Barack
Obama and John Edwards want to get us out of one war and
into another,” she wrote in mid-July on Town Hall, a right
wing website. "The two Democrats vying for their party's
presidential nomination want to end the war in Iraq and spend
at least some of the savings on a new war on poverty.”
“Ending poverty
is certainly a noble goal -- but from the policy proposals
Obama and
Edwards offered, it appears neither has a clue about how
to go about it,” writes Chavez,
a one-time American Federation of Teachers union official. “These
men want more government
spending, as if adding a few billion more to the $11 trillion
that has been spent
on poverty programs since President Lyndon Johnson first
initiated the War on Poverty in 1964 would finally produce
the desired
results. Worse,
some of the proposals they offered would likely harm poor
families, not help
them.”
“Obama wants to tie the
minimum wage to the Consumer Price Index, which would price
the lowest-skilled workers, especially young blacks, out
of the job market, not to mention increase inflationary pressure
on wages,” writes Chavez, a strident opponent of affirmative
action. “Edwards would have the government create 1 million
new temporary jobs for the chronically unemployed, despite
abundant research that shows these programs have no lasting
impact in reducing poverty or increasing long-term employment
among the poor.” (There is no credible evidence to support
either of these right wing canards.)
“’In a nation as rich as
ours,’ argue Obama and Edwards, ‘one-in-ten American families
living in poverty is simply unacceptable,’ I agree, but the
numbers reveal a lot more complexity than either man is willing
to acknowledge,” she writes. What are the sources
of poverty in the country according to Chavez? Immigration
(both “legal and
illegal”) and “family breakdown” - specifically African American
families.
“So why aren't
Obama and Edwards talking more about marriage as an antidote
to poverty?” asks
Chavez. “From all accounts, both men have wonderful, even
inspirational, marriages of their own. But many Democrats
are worried they
might not seem inclusive
or might even be viewed as intolerant if they talk up marriage.”
“It's a lot
easier to offer to increase government spending. My suspicion
is, however,
that most Americans understand that the War on Poverty won't
be won by throwing
their tax dollars behind more failed programs.” Chavez concludes.
It is “so hard to tackle
concentrated poverty,” whined David Brooks in the New York
Times, July
20th. His location for the origins of poverty? How about
genes and brain tissue?
“Human beings are permeable,” writes
Brooks. “The habits that are common in underclass
areas get inside the brains of those who grow up there and
undermine long-range
thinking and social trust. It illuminates the dangers of
believing that there
is a universal hunger for liberty. That universal hunger
may exist in the
abstract, but we’re embedded creatures and the way specific
individuals perceive
liberty depends on context.” That may sound like gibberish;
Brooks’ writing
increasingly does. However, there is method to all this.
As with Steingart
and Chavez, the aim here is to remove poverty as an issue
in U.S. political
life. To my mind, what is desired is to eliminate economics
from our political
consideration altogether.
“In the 19th
century, Marx said that people were organized according to
their material
interests and their relationship to the means of production,” writes
Brooks. Actually, that is a perversion of what ole Karl had
to say.
But that doesn’t
matter. The aim here is to make us think that “material interest” isn’t
really important at all.
“In the information age,
it seems fitting that we’d see people bonded by communication,” asserts
Brooks. “It’s not exactly new to say that no man is an island.
But Hofstadter is one of hundreds of scientists and scholars
showing how interconnectedness
actually works. What’s being described is a vast web of information — some
contained in genes, some in brain structure, some in the
flow of dinner conversation — that
joins us to our ancestors and reminds the living of
the presence of the dead.” That may sound like gibberish;
but as I said Brooks’ writing
increasingly does.
The racist
or social Darwinist implications of the attack I’m describing
are hardly camouflaged.
What has some
people up in arms is the increasing awareness that poverty
is growing
in the country, that there are ever widening income disparities,
that there is growing
recognition that this is all somehow connected to globalization
and capitalism run amuck, and that polls that indicate most
people
in our country think the government is not doing enough to
tackle poverty.
And, it’s
not just poverty.
Over the past
year it has become obvious that the “experts” were consistently
wrong about the seriousness of the situation in the housing
business.
There were repeated, sanguine assurances that the sub-prime
mortgage trouble would not spread beyond the people with
such loans who are facing foreclosures and that there was
no danger of the troubles spilling over into the larger economy.
What was only
a few weeks ago described as “the sub-prime mortgage mess” is
now being referred to in some quarters as reflecting a “teetering market” and
a “looming financial
crisis.” The consensus amongst mainline economists seems
to be that the worst
is yet to come.
There are
frequent comparisons these days between the situation we
face today and that on
the eve of the Great Depression. It’s a good time to recall
what actually arose after 1929. Yes, the stock market crashed
and I’m told some stockbrokers jumped out windows. But, also
millions of people lost their jobs, were evicted from their
dwellings, had their utilities shut off and suffered
in many other ways. I’ll leave it to the economists to say
whether the current
crisis will deepen and how bad things might get. But there
is a lot of insecurity
out there - and a lot of hurt. We’re in an election cycle
and it ill serves
working people and people of color to let their interests
or concerns be denied
or swept under the rug.
BlackCommentator.com Editorial Board member Carl Bloice is a writer in
San Francisco, a member of the National Coordinating Committee
of the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism
and formerly worked for a healthcare union. Click
here to contact Mr. Bloice.