Dr. Kilson delivered
the following remarks at Temple University’s conference on
Black Civil Society in American Life, September 22.
Let me reflect briefly on what might be called “Black civil society’s
21st century leadership burden.” As participants in today’s conference
have pointed out from a variety of historical perspectives, the
leadership sector of African-American society going back to embryonic
leadership of pre-Civil War era Free Negro Black communities, to
post-Emancipation Black communities and down through the 20th century,
the several layers of leadership of Black Civil Society Agencies
sustained what I like to call an “outreach-to-Black-masses-leadership
ethos.” By the term Black Civil Society Agencies, I refer to a
variety of Black people’s societal and institution-building agencies
such as women’s clubs, mutual aid associations, artisan associations,
clergy associations, churches, teachers associations, intellectual
groups, fraternal associations among men and sororities among women,
business associations, trade unions, professional associations,
etc.
Activist Character of Black Civil Society
What defined Black Civil Society Agencies’ outreach-to-Black-masses-leadership
orientation was what I like to call a “challenge-demeanor” toward
the American White supremacist edifice. During the pre-Civil War
era of small Free Negro communities into the Emancipation era and
into the 20th century, the “challenge-demeanor” leadership approach
to Black Civil Society Agencies was, of course, countered by the “accommodationist-demeanor” leadership
approach – what W.E.B. DuBois labeled in 1903 in The Souls of
Black Folk the “hypocritical compromise” leadership approach,
the approach that Booker T. Washington canonized, so to speak. Thanks
to the progressive intellectual legacy and civil-rights activist leadership
of W.E.B. DuBois, James Weldon Johnson, Ida Wells-Barnett, Monroe
Trotter, Mary McLeod Bethune, Charles Hamilton Houston, A. Philip
Randolph, Thurgood Marshall, James Farmer, James Lawson, Ella Baker, Martin
Luther King Jr., Fanny Lou Hammer, and others, the challenge-demeanor
toward American racism held the preeminent place among 20th century
Black Civil Society Agencies for the most part.
Today as we enter the 21st century, our goal – the goal of the
liberal and progressive forces among African-Americans – must be
both to sustain and innovate upon the challenge - demeanor leadership
approach to Black Civil Society Agencies. Why is this goal a Black
ideological and political imperative? It is a Black-people imperative
because of what my former Harvard College student Cornel West has
in mind when he asserts through the title of his new book that “Democracy
Matters”. Which is to say, that without grass-roots and viable
popular participatory infrastructures that are informed by humanitarian
vision and values, a power-class cynical corporatist imperial hegemony – militarist
in its identity and governing modality – will dominate our 21st
century American society.
Averting Pseudo-Diversity Cooptation of
Black Civil Society
Black Civil Society Agencies can contribute significantly as one
of numerous counter-corporatist axes in the evolving 21st
century American society. But to do so will require a special fidelity
to a challenge-demeanor Black Civil Society leadership orientation
by an important segment of the evolving 21st century African-American
middle-class and upper stratum.
Our post-Civil Rights Movement era Black middle-class
and upper stratum is expanding reasonably well every day before
our very
eyes. I just saw the most recent data showing that as of 2004,
18% of Black adults over 25 years of age held four-year college
degrees, which stood at 11% in 1990 and when I entered Lincoln
University as a Freshman in 1949 it was under 1%. The most recent
data also reveal an advance in the substantive attributes of the
Black middle-class and upper stratum, insofar as by 2004 for
the first time ever four-year college-educated African-Americans
earned 95% of White Americans with four-year college degrees.
That is, four-year college educated Whites earned median income
of $38,667 in 2004 and four-year college educated Blacks earned
median income of $36,694 (Journal of Blacks in Higher Education,
Summer 2005, pp. 7-8). Furthermore, college-educated Black women
now earn above parity the median income earned by college-educated
White American women.
These advances in the substantive attributes of the Black middle-class
and upper stratum are like a two-edged sword, however, because
they can cut two ways, in either a progressive or a reactionary
direction. Thus, on one level, these middle-class advances are
to be celebrated as evidence of advances against longstanding racist
marginalization of Blacks in American society. But, on another
level, these advances suggest how important the need will be to
secure a fidelity to a challenge-demeanor Black Civil Society leadership
orientation in the evolving 21st century.
Why do I say this? I say this because today’s cynical oligarchic
Republican Party governing elites at the federal and state level – reinforced
by a cynical plutocratic American corporatism – will now make every
effort they can to advance reactionary forces among key groups
that make up Black Civil Society Agencies.
That is what our power-cynical President of
the United States, George
W. Bush, is doing in cultivating political ties with the prominent
Black Pentecostal Church clergyman Bishop T.D. Jakes, whose Porter’s
House Church in Dallas is a 30,000 member so-called mega-church. For
the past decade, the oligarchic Republican Party governing elites
have launched an ostensible diversity politics, which in reality
is a pseudo-diversity-politics that serves the new
oligarchic Republicanism and plutocratic corporatism.
This has translated into cultivating pseudo-diversity
Black officials. Officials like mayoral candidate Cory Booker
in Newark, N.J. for
example, and well-known national-level Black officeholders like
Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas and Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice. In other words, pseudo-diversity Black officeholders are
Black officials who are uniquely serviceable to the non-egalitarian
purposes of oligarchic and corporatist American power elites.
Of course, this advance in the authority roles
of the Black American political class reflects, in one of its
aspects, the successful
incorporation of Black professionals into systemic decision-making
roles in mainstream American institutional life. This advance in
authority roles for African-Americans was a basic goal of the great
Civil Rights Movement. The issue, however, is the nature of our
American systemic economic and political patterns into which post-Civil
Rights Movement era African-American professionals are being incorporated.
Black Civil Society Requires a Neo-Black Communitarianism
This brings me to what I view as a fundamental
feature of what I call Black Civil Society’s 21st century “leadership burden”. Namely,
that burden is to ensure as best we can that the mainstream systemic
incorporation of Black professionals does not become a one-dimensional
Black elite-cooptation process. Because a one-dimensional Black
elite-cooptation process does not facilitate what Cornel West means
when he uses the term “Democracy Matters.”
It does not facilitate, that is, a fair equalitarian
organization of social, economic, and political opportunities
in our post-industrial
and global American society. Quite the contrary. It assists the
oligarchic, plutocratic, corporatist – and thus imperial – structuring
of today’s American society.
Let me lay out some concluding prescriptive
suggestions regarding how Black Civil Society Agencies might
help avert a one-dimensional
Black elite-cooptation pattern. If this can be realized, evolving
21st century Black Civil Society patterns will contribute to a fair
equalitarian organization of social, economic, and political opportunities
in American society.
Achieving a multi-dimensional Black elite-cooptation
pattern will require what might be called a “Neo-Black Communitarianism.” By
this term, I mean mobilizing liberal and progressive elements in
Black Civil Society Agencies – in women’s clubs, clergy organizations,
fraternal organizations and sororities, churches, labor unions,
professional associations , etc. – that cultivate what I call a “Black-awareness
ethos”. A “Black-awareness ethos” is an outlook that puts the
needs of the weak-sector Black Americans at the center of overall
21st century African-American concerns.
The weak-sector of Black Americans amounts
to perhaps 40% of African-American households today. This weak-sector
of Black Americans was rudely
and graphically brought to national and world visibility by the
Katrina Hurricane devastation of Black lives in New Orleans. Professor
Cornel West, in a brilliant address to a Reunion of some 700 Black
graduates of the Harvard Law School last weekend (September 16-18)
used the apt term “povertrina” to describe this devastation.
It is, I think, especially crucial that a Neo-Black
Communitarianism gain ground among the Black middle-class and
professional stratum
in the evolving 21st century. The groundwork for this Black-awareness
ethos activism has already been innovated, I suggest, by activist
Black professional associations like 100 Black Women and 100 Black
Men. Furthermore, this Black-awareness ethos activism can be reinforced
at the political class level, by fashioning what might be called “Reformist
Cadre” among activist-oriented Black political class members at
local, state, and federal level. There are over 9000 elected Black
officials today, and many thousand more appointed Black political
class officials who, I think, can be mobilized into “Reformist
Cadre” that, in turn, can function as Black-awareness conveyors.
This kind of nexus between Black-communitarian
awareness activism, on the one hand, and liberal-reform oriented
political class cadre,
on the other hand, was developed by Irish-American Civil Society
Agencies (aided extensively by the Catholic church infrastructure)
from the 1880s through the 1950s. As a result, Irish-American
Civil Society was able to checkmate a one-dimensional Irish elite-cooptation
process within the WASP-dominant mainstream American socio-economic
power system. This, in turn, facilitated a multi-dimensional Irish-American
elite cooptation pattern. That is, a pattern that enabled the liberal-reform
sector of the Irish-American professional stratum to influence
important public policies which facilitated broad and viable social
mobility advances for working-class Irish-Americans.
Thus, what I call the new 21st century leadership
burden facing today’s Black Civil Society Agencies will be effectively managed
only if a critical-minority sector of the African-American middle
class and professional stratum can be kept “Black-culture friendly.” Something
like this transpired among Irish-Americans between the 1880s and
the 1950s when a critical-minority sector of middle-class and professional
Irish-Americans was kept “Irish-culture friendly.” (See, for examples,
the writings of Irish-American intellectuals like Steve Erie).
Accordingly, key African-American intelligentsia
personalities must be in the forefront of encouraging a “Black-culture friendly” middle-class
and professional sector among evolving 21st century
Black America. These must be African-American intelligentsia personalities
who are the equivalent of “Black-culture friendly” early 20th century
Black professionals like W.E.B. DuBois, Ida Wells-Barnett, Anna
Julia Cooper, Monroe Trotter, Rev. Francis Grimke, Bishop Reverdy
Ransom, John Hope, Benjamin Mays, James Weldon Johnson, Mary McLeod
Bethune, Bishop R.R. Wright, A. Philip Randolph, Langston Hughes,
Paul Robeson, to mention just a few of them. I am optimistic that
enough 21st century members and leaders of Black Civil Society
Agencies will emerge with the required degree of the “Black-culture
friendly” perspective.
Conclusion
To all of you who have done me the extraordinary
honor of mounting this Black Civil Society conference here at
Temple University today,
who have participated in its organization and its execution. To
all of you, I can say that in your hands and hearts can be found
the capacity to facilitate a progressive and humanitarian advancement
of Black Civil Society Agencies in today’s oligarchic corporatist
American society. To this extent, some of the future genuine Democratic
Renewal of our now raucously oligarchic American society is in
our hands. Maybe not a whole lot…but some Democratic Renewal
capability is in our hands.
Dr. Martin Kilson is Frank G. Thomson Research Professor at
Harvard University.
|