Think Piece: Before and After 9/11

Bettenhausen, who hails from a local family of accomplished racecar drivers, arrived in time only for the last talk. He apologized for his lateness, explaining that he had been meeting with the state’s Attorney General to discuss the “War On Terrorism.” His eyes beamed with pride as he told us how much busier he had become since his appointment as the state’s “first-ever Homeland Security Coordinator.” With an American flag pin prominently displayed on his lapel, he regaled us with the latest reports on the United States military campaign in Afghanistan. He was clearly relishing his new supposed importance in the battle between planetary good and evil. “Wow,” a fellow presenter muttered, “he watches CNN.”

After thus communicating the relative insignificance of our issue at this moment of sweeping global consequence, Bettenshausen told us that then Illinois governor George Ryan would not be reversing his recent decision to eliminate higher education and vocational training for prisoners from the state’s budget. These cuts, he claimed, were compelled by the “post-September economic downturn” – a dubious dating of an overdue correction in the capitalist business cycle.

Tires squealing, he apologized for racing off to another meeting related to “the war on terror.” I was instantly reminded of James Madison’s comment that “the fetters imposed on liberty at home have ever been forged out of the weapons provided for defense against real, pretended, or imaginary dangers from abroad.” Another phrase also came to mind: plus ca change, plus c’est la meme chose (the more things change, the more they stay the same).

According to a great national myth propagated by the in-power right wing War Party and its allies and enablers in the dominant state-corporate media, “everything changed” on September 11, 2001. Before 9/11, this authoritarian narrative runs, Americans lived in peaceful division, pleasantly but naively stuck in their own little prosperous domestic spheres. We were cheerfully but innocently blind to the dangers of a still-precarious world and to the related greatness and vulnerability of our nation. We were too preoccupied with our busy little lives to grasp our creeping moral decline, epitomized by the sexual transgressions and lies of Bill Clinton.

Thanks to 9/11, we have lost our innocence and awakened to our national magnificence and the related threats we face from bad people who hate and envy our freedom and prosperity. United We Stand: we have transcended old divisions in shared allegiance to the “war on terrorism” – a new crusade against a new semi-permanent Evil Other that is the true replacement for Cold War predecessors in Moscow and Beijing. We have been morally, politically, and spiritually toughened, unified, and regenerated by violence: our own and that of our “freedom”-hating enemies.

How curious, then, to pick up the “Metro” section of a recent (August 6th) issue of my leading local newspaper – The Chicago Tribune. The front page contains a photograph of 15 well-dressed white people relaxing in a plush and very predominantly Caucasian North Side neighborhood (Lincoln Park). They are positioned to permit a photographer to re-create George Seurat’s late 19th century painting, titled “Sunday Afternoon on the Island of La Grande Jatte.”

It’s a perfect image of bourgeois calm and oblivious, self-satisfied, imperial repose. The photograph, the Tribune reports, will be used for a “recruitment poster” by the School of the Art Institute of Chicago, which does not seem terribly interested in attracting student’s from the city and metropolitan area’s large African-American population.

Things are a bit more stressful in another, blacker part of town. Further down on the same page of the same section, we can read the results of a recent research report on 1,587 African-Americans living in the decrepit Ida B. Wells housing project on the city’s South Side. More than half of the households there have incomes less than $5,000. Less than a fourth of the heads of those households are employed. According to the Urban Institute, 1,000 people living at Wells may end up homeless as a result of the city’s imminent demolition of the project. There’s an endemic shortage, the Institute notes, of affordable housing for the project’s residents and indeed for poor people throughout the city. Only a small number of the displaced will qualify to live in the “mixed income” dwellings the city will build where the facility used to sit.

This is terrible, but it’s an old story. Since the early- and mid-90s, public authorities have been demolishing public housing projects with only minimal attention to the needs and limited resources of predominantly black public housing residents. The Chicago version is called the “Chicago Housing Authority Transformation Plan,” a local monument to the market worshipping, privilege-friendly philosophy of global corporate neo-liberalism. Pushing disadvantaged inner-city residents and the idea of social justice to the remote margins of public concern, that philosophy holds that markets make the best decisions, that social action to improve your situation is self-defeating and silly, and that the best and only way to succeed in life is as a sovereign individual consumer and investor in a “free market society.” Its triumph was proclaimed “inevitable” (“there is no alternative”) by leading architects of American policy and opinion long before lunatics from a distant US-protected oil sheikdom turned flying gasoline-filled symbols (and agents) of petroleum-addicted corporate globalization into weapons of mass destruction.

As researchers and activists pointed out long before the jetliner attacks “changed everything,” the available stock of such housing in Chicago is insufficient to absorb the displaced public housing population. That population is “free” to be homeless, thanks to the working of economic forces that carry social costs of secondary concern to local policymakers. Those policymakers, including the Mayor, are beholden to commercial and real estate property developers seeking to remove poor black inner city residents from choice urban investment locations. Those locations are slated for predominantly white professionals, who want to live and shop in proximity to their offices in downtown Chicago, a leading headquarters for heavily state-subsidized and global corporations like the Boeing Corporation, which equips such marvelous adventures in democratic free-market progress as the terrorist occupation of Palestine (1948 to the present) and the bombings of Baghdad (both pre- and post-9/11) and (pre-9/11) Belgrade.

Another story on the exact same Tribune page also indicates that some situations remain “normal” in the post-September 11 era. It notes that seven inmates, mostly black, were recently beaten with pool cues by guards at the city’s giant Cook County Jail. How pre-9/11: this is the third such high-profile incident reported in the last four years at Cook County. The latest revelations come just days after Cook County States’ Attorney Richard Devine – notorious in the black community for his habit of putting innocent African-Americans on death row – announced that he would not file charges in connection with the beating of five shackled Cook County inmates in July 2000. Meanwhile, federal investigators are conducting a civil-rights violation investigation into an alleged mass beating involving 40 guards at the same jail in 1999.

Last July, the Chicago public was momentarily shocked – these things pass, as the media moves on – to learn of a terrible accident on Interstate 57, south of Chicago. Several blacks and Hispanics were critically injured and two died when a van rolled over while carrying 18 Chicagoans to visit loved ones warehoused in racially disparate mass penitentiaries located in the southern part of Illinois. Terrible, but not new: on January 26th of 2001, almost 9 months before “everything changed,” a Salvation Army van carrying eleven people on Interstate 55 south of Chicago collided with a tractor-trailer, killing all ten of the van’s passengers and its driver. Ten of the dead were Black and one was Hispanic. The van was part of a regular service that took people from Chicago’s predominantly black West Side to visit relatives and mates doing time in state prison.

After both crashes, nobody in the local media or politics had much to say about the relationship between the victims’ race and the nature of the van’s destination. There were no connections made between the tragedy and the state’s policy decision to dramatically increase the number of prisoners in Illinois – mostly black and from the Chicago area – from 27,000 in 1990 to nearly 47,000 in 2000 (even as crime fell) and its related building of 11 new mass correctional facilities in Illinois during the same period; massive job-programs for de-industrialized downstate whites that are placed at increasingly vast distances from the “offenders’” home communities (See Paul Street, The Vicious Circle: Race, Prison, Jobs and Community in Chicago, Illinois, and the Nation, Chicago: Chicago Urban League, October 2002).