“You all here today are a part of history. We are conscious, we
are not unconscious.”
– Angela Woodson, 36, Co-Chair, National Hip Hop Political Convention
”We’ve gotta stop idolizing hip hop music as something that’s
gonna save the neighborhood. It’s a tool.”
– M-1 Mutulu, 32, Dead Prez
“The Civil Rights Movement was lost somewhere, blocked, not followed
through. That’s why we have to have this dialogue in the first place.”
– Ras Baraka, 34, Deputy Mayor, Newark, NJ
Whatever gaps divide the generations of Black America – in music,
speech, and general “style” of life – they are secondary to the political divide
that occurred nearly two generations ago when a segment of the Black “movement” decided
to abandon mass action. Large portions of an intensely self-conscious
Black “leadership class” disconnected themselves from mass organizing,
believing their own upward mobility to be synonymous with “progress” for “The
Race” as a whole. We are reaping the whirlwind of the late-Sixties
era political mission divide – which gives the appearance
of a generational split only because those who abandoned the “movement” nearly
40 years ago (and their successors) have been allowed to dominate Black
politics to the present day.
It is incorrect to characterize the “Civil Rights Generation,” which
is also the “Black Power Generation,” as having collectively skipped
out on the “Hip Hop Generation” – those born after 1965. Actually,
the more opportunistic elements of the broadly defined Sixties “movement” bailed
out on everybody but themselves, including most of their young
contemporaries. They packed their briefcases and strode briskly into
the new age that had been made possible by the sacrifice of their generational
peers, the thousands who joined the common jihad against legal American
apartheid. As we wrote in the June
10 edition of :
Having won as many “rights” as they actually wanted,
but uninterested in fundamentally altering power relationships in
America, those African Americans who perceived Jim Crow as the only problem
disbanded the “movement,” leaving poorer Blacks to their own devices.
The pursuit of individual wealth is not a mass activity, although
the aggrandizers never hesitate to invoke the plight of the Black
masses when it is to their advantage.
In truth, much of the Black “leadership class” had not changed in
the 100 years since slavery, holding fast to a self-serving “trickle-down” theory
of racial advancement – and believing in their version of “trickle-down” as
fervently as any ideologically committed Republican businessman.
For far too many of these ambitious men and women – many of them
quite young in the Sixties and early Seventies – the “movement’s” very
purpose was to advance those segments of the Black population that
were deemed “ready” to enter and compete in white society as it
existed. The “unfinished business” of the struggle was to further
advance that class’s interests, so that it might speak more effectively
on behalf of – and provide role models to inspire – the rest of Black
America. “Help us become rich and influential; it’s good for the
whole community,” said the post-1968 Black leadership class, demanding
support from the ghetto while simultaneously claiming personal credit
for every achievement.
Conned from the inside
Much of the leadership class urged Blacks to rely on elections as
the only post-Civil Rights form of mass activity. African
Americans were instructed to fight for candidates on a seasonal
basis, but not for themselves, or in any other forum. In effect,
they were told to stand down until called upon at election time.
Thus, the “movement” was disbanded, except for those activities that
directly benefited the “leaders.” Mass Black politics, which according
to Julian Bond spawned 10,000
demonstrations in
the year 1963, was henceforth to be confined to the polls. The decisive
political domain would be limited to elected officials, the broker-politics
of established churches, lobbying (a form of brokering), and the
expansion and legal defense of past civil rights victories. This
kind of politics works fine for the well-connected, who have plenty
of
private social, economic and political levers to pull every day of
the year,
but “trickle-down” Black politics led to disaster for the masses
of Black people, now captives of a class that had only its own
interests in mind.
Black youth were especially marginalized by the leadership class’s
insistence on narrow electoral and brokered politics. Mass movements
cannot exist without the energy, creativity and risk-taking of youth – but
the post-Civil Rights leadership class did not want a mass movement,
nor was it interested in risking its newfound mobility. Put simply,
with the exception of young people who might be groomed to the upwardly
mobile, professional ranks, the leadership class had nothing that
it wanted Black youth to do – other than stay out of jail and avoid
embarrassing “The Race.” That admonition was mooted by the larger
white society, which by the mid-Seventies had embarked on a national
policy of mass Black incarceration (see “Mass Incarceration
and Rape: The Savaging of Black America,” June
17.)
It is easy to complain that the once-tiny Black leadership class
celebrated the death of Jim Crow by simply running away to the suburbs,
abandoning the inner city. The truth is more complex, and more damning.
Although this class – which has always equated mobility with leadership – has
largely physically removed itself from the urban cores, it continues
to impose its self-serving, narrow ideology on Black political discourse.
What began as a wrong turn on the road to broad Black empowerment
(the shutdown of the “movement”), has degenerated into hostility
towards downwardly-mobile African Americans – the people
that Bill Cosby says “are not holding up their end in this deal.” (See
, June
3.) Cosby’s raw animus is applauded most enthusiastically
by those African Americans who believe that the more prosperous elements
of The Race have a right to lead – a fundamentally anti-democratic
and, for an oppressed people, inherently self-defeating concept.
For almost four decades this petty and bankrupt worldview has been
at or near the political cockpit, diverting Black people's attention
and energies away from the core contradictions of their lives, encouraging
them to invest their hopes in the fortunes of others who only look
like themselves. This grasping, selfish class exercises inordinate
influence on Black elected officials, many of whom view politics
as just another route to upward mobility. The result is that Black
America is deprived of what it most desperately needs: a mass movement
that communicates with its many parts as it grapples with a hostile
white society and state. Only out of such a movement can there emerge
a genuine Black “community of aspirations” that is humane,
democratic and politically effective.
In broader national terms, the Black leadership class wields very
little power, and must therefore exercise whatever authority they
can muster among African Americans through cultural and “moral” mechanisms.
This tenuous cultural and moral authority – intimately linked with political authority – is
directly challenged by hip hop. Whether one believes that hip hop
is a full blown culture or, as Public Enemy’s Chuck D calls it, “a subculture
of a people,” hip hop is a supremely democratic cultural manifestation
that evolved in the absence of an African American political
movement – a phenomenon shaped by youth on their own terms. Hip
hop emerged at a time when the Black leadership class’s distance
from and disdain for “the lower income people” had
become transparently evident to inner city dwellers. A time when,
in Dr. Michael Eric Dyson’s words, “we saw the political
economy of crack take over the lives of Black people.”
Black Power redux
To the extent that hip hop is overtly political, it celebrates the
Black Power wing of the movement – the branch that the leadership
class disavowed and the state police machinery most severely persecuted.
Hip hop was a mass Black (and Latino) youth rejection of the bland
corporate-packaged, Urban Adult Contemporary musical fare embraced
by Black-programmed radio – and the distant worldview that went with
it. (But not Parliament-Funkadelic, James Brown and the rest of the
funk-sweat crews).
Most dangerously for everyone involved, hip hop is mass Black incarceration
come home to roost.
By the mid-Eighties, only a (culturally) blind
person could have failed to see that the prison experience had reached
critical mass among Black youth in America’s big cities. The ill-fitting
pants without belts, the unlaced or lace-less footgear – that was
the culturally shared prison experience, manifesting. The hip hop “sensibility” cannot
be separated from the pervasiveness of prison – its presence in
ghetto life. It is the now-inescapable influence – the logical cultural
product of objective facts. – , June 17
How amazing, then, that several thousand hip hop generation activists,
including 500 mostly twenty-something delegates who registered 50
voters each, journeyed from 17 states to Newark, New Jersey, at their
own expense to attend a National Hip Hop Political Convention dedicated
to mass political struggle.
It is testimony to the Black liberation imperative that a movement
that was “smothered” – Newark Deputy Mayor Ras Baraka’s words – still
speaks loudly through the straight-talking medium and humane sensibilities
of hip hop. Despite decades of widespread Black political misleadership
and self-dealing that threatened to discredit the electoral process,
itself, the young conventioneers remain committed to forging a national
program for change, through the ballot and “by any means necessary.” Throughout
the five-day gathering (June 16 – 20) featuring 50 workshops at Essex
County College and neighboring Rutgers University and the New Jersey
Institute of Technology, the delegates showed a maturity grounded
in respect for history and love of humanity. Embracing their mission,
they crafted and passed a Five-Point Agenda on Education, Economic
Justice, Criminal Justice, Health and Human Rights, that reflects
the progressive consensus among African American people – of all
age cohorts.
Conscientiously and wisely, the organizers – who launched the convention
out of their own pockets – structured each event and workshop so
that participants would have the benefit of multigenerational experiences,
the better to build a rooted movement. “I am an organizer and I believe
that there can be no political struggle without spiritual weaponry,” declared
Rev. Osagyefo Sekou, the 30-something Executive Director of New York
Common Ground. Newark’s Bethany Baptist Church pastor Rev. William
Howard, moderator of a panel on spirituality and a campaigner against
South African apartheid when Rev. Sekou was a toddler, spoke of “a
spirituality that equips you for struggle, that sustains you in engagement.” They
were on the same page.
Fifty-something Young Lords Party founder Panama Alba denounced
New York police posting of snipers at the recent Puerto Rican Day
festivities, “as if our celebration was an act of terrorism.”
“That is the criminalization of your generation,” Alba told
the crowd. Next to him sat Marinieves, his activist daughter. “We
are so stuck in this hip hop bubble, we don’t realize that globalization
is happening,” said the former social worker. “We need to understand
the complexity of the struggle, and look outside of ourselves.”
Ras Baraka, the Newark Deputy Mayor and school vice principal, son
of poet/playwrite Amiri Baraka, is young enough to get away with
telling a hip hop audience, “Stop acting like kids, like children.
You organize, and whatever you want, you take it.”
At 58, Newark schools Superintendent and workshop panelist Marion
Bolden wrestles with bureaucracies and political tendencies of all
kinds. At the end of the day, she knows what’s most seriously lacking
in the lives of Black Americans:
“There’s no movement. There needs to be a movement.”
We’ll have more on the National Hip Hop Political Convention,
next week.
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