"At what point do we
ask the uncomfortable question, why does the U.S. seem to consider
it acceptable for such genocidal acts to occur in Africa?" It
was a rhetorical question, posed by Africa
Action Executive
Director Salih Booker on April 7 as the world marked the tenth anniversary
of the genocide that left at least 800,000 Rwandans dead. Two week’s
later, President George Bush answered Booker’s question in the usual
manner: the U.S. has more pressing business at hand than ending a
genocide-in-progress, this time in the western region of Sudan.
While U.S. diplomats feigned
outrage at the UN Human Rights Commission's weak
response (“grave
concern”) to massive ethnic cleansing of Black Africans in Darfur – the
committee could not bring itself to even whisper the terms “rape” or “forced
removals” – Bush last week vouched for the Khartoum government’s
good faith in ending a much longer campaign of genocide against Blacks.
As Newsweek reported:
President
George W. Bush certified, as required every six months under the
2002 Sudan Peace
Act, that the Islamist regime in Khartoum is negotiating in good
faith for an end to Sudan's other civil war: the decades-old
rebellion in southern Sudan. If the president had withheld his signature,
he could have unleashed severe economic sanctions against Khartoum.
But a southern peace framework seems tantalizingly close, so policymakers
faced a tough choice. "It's frustrating," says a senior
State Department official, "but given all the progress, we couldn't
say they weren't cooperating."
What tantalizes the
U.S. is Sudanese oil reserves, which are at issue in negotiations
between
non-Muslim Black southerners and the Arabized rulers in Khartoum.
American and European companies are anxious to return to their
operations in the oil-rich Abyei
region, abandoned during the North-South war that claimed two
million lives. Stability
in Abyei weighs far more heavily than the lives of one million
Blacks in oil-poor Darfur, victims of Khartoum’s “strategy
of ethnic-based murder, rape and forcible displacement,” according
to a Human
Rights Watch report.
In a Euro-American
dominated world, Sudan’s rulers are permitted to launch a second
genocidal race war, so long as they allow oil to flow from
the scene of the
first holocaust. Declan Walsh, Africa correspondent for the UK’s
Independent, describes ethnic cleansing in Darfur:
The
first sign is the ominous drone of a plane. Ageing Russian Antonovs
sweep over the
remote Sudanese village, dispatching their deadly payload
of crude barrel bombs. They explode among the straw-roofed huts,
sending terrified
families scurrying for safety – but there is none.
Next
comes the Janjaweed, a fearsome Arab militia mounted on camels
and horses, and armed with
AK-47 rifles and whips. They murder the men and boys of fighting
age, gang-rape the women – sometimes in front of their families – and
burn the houses. The villagers' cattle are stolen, their modest possessions
carted off.
Under cover of ending
the southern genocide, Khartoum unleashes ethnic cleansing
in the West – with
impunity. Although both sides in the Darfur conflict are
Muslims, there is no doubt this is a race war. As the Independent’s
Walsh reported: “One 18-year-old woman told Human Rights Watch
(HRW) that her attacker stuck a knife into her vagina, saying: ‘You
get this because you are black.’"
The UN Human Rights
Commission ignored both the HRW report and its own investigators,
who concluded
that Khartoum has engaged in “crimes against humanity” in Darfur.
Apparently, it is a far worse crime to leave oil in the ground, in Abyei.
American
diplomats scored easy propaganda points by voting for stronger
UN language on Darfur while their President withheld sanctions
that might have actually forced Khartoum to abandon its newest
genocidal campaign. Europeans, finding few excuses for doing
nothing to stop genocide in the present, pretended to make big
plans for the future. According to the EU Observer:
While
EU and UN diplomats discuss the possibility of an EU-led
peacekeeping mission to the Sudan region of Darfur, the European
development
commissioner has warned against hasty decisions. Speaking to journalists on Wednesday
(28 April), Poul Nielson urged "not to let things
happen without professional, well-analyzed co-ordination."
The
Dane went on to state that time was needed for "collective analysis" between
the EU member states in order to ensure a mission with "maximum
authority." He suggested that a possible mission might fail
under disagreements between EU member states. "If one man can
fix a tire in 10 minutes this does not mean that 10 men can fix a
tire in 1 minute," he said….
As
an alternative, the Commissioner said he favors a
peace-keeping mission under the umbrella of the African Union,
which enjoys
EU financial aid worth 250 million euro to conduct
its own peace-keeping operations.
The Europeans issued
a statement on the crisis that scrupulously avoids asking
anyone in
particular to stop killing anybody:
The
European Commission today launched a strong appeal to warring parties
in the Darfur region
of Western Sudan to secure "safe humanitarian access" so
that the enormous needs of the population can be properly addressed.
The Commission also announced that ECHO was preparing a new €10 million
humanitarian aid decision to assist the victims of the conflict that
has claimed thousands of lives and resulted in huge population displacements.
The proposed decision will shortly be submitted to the Member States.
Speaking at the launch of the European Commission's Humanitarian
Aid Office Annual Review ("ECHO 2003"), Poul Nielson, Commissioner
for Development and Humanitarian Aid, highlighted the "tragic
situation" in Darfur. Threats to the "humanitarian space" is
the central theme of ECHO's Annual Review this year.
Having done their bit to
save humanitarian “space,” if not the human beings themselves, the
EU got on with the business of…business.
African
states make up 14 of the 53 members of the
UN Human Rights Commission, 50 of whom voted for the toothless
resolution on
Darfur. Two abstained; only the U.S. called for
stronger language. Clearly, the African Union (AU) is seeking
unity, above all else.
The AU expressed “concern” over
violations of a (clearly non-existent) ceasefire
in Darfur, and announced it would send a team of military observers
to the region. The U.S.
offered to help the AU with unspecified “logistical
support” – as
well it might, since American Special Forces, Marines
and contract mercenaries now operate in nearly every
country of the Sahel. The
European edition of Stars
and Stripes reported:
Late
last year, soldiers from the 10th Special Forces Group began training
military forces
in Mali, Mauritania, Chad and Niger under the
Pan-Sahel Initiative, a $7 million State Department program designed
to help the security
forces of those impoverished nations defend against terrorists.
The extent of recent American
military penetration of Africa just below the Sahara can be glimpsed
from the accompanying Stars and Stripes interview with Army Col.
Vic Nelson, the Department of Defense’s country director for West
Africa:
The whole reason
[for the Pan-Sahel Initiative] is regional
cooperation, so that the terrorists can’t use these artificial state borders at the seams,
against us. "Aha! I’m in Algeria! Aha! I’m in Mali! Aha! I’m
in Algeria!"
[Including
more states] would foster regional cooperation, which is what
this is all about.
The policy is, helping Africa build the capacity
to enable them to deal with these problems as a force multiplier
for our own forces
in the global war on terror. Well, what does
it mean, that buzzword? That means, if they can do it, we don’t
have to do it. And they want to do it, they want to help us and
be partners in the global war
on terror. They have needs, training and equipment needs.
As a
force multiplier, if I don’t have to put a battalion of U.S. guys down, but I have
a battalion of Chadians, well, then good, a force multiplier.
At least 110,000 survivors
of the ethnic cleansing in Darfur have fled across the border to
Chad.
The U.S. goal in the Sahel,
says Col. Nelson, is to establish direct ties (“mil-to-mil”) with
African militaries:
It’s important to have
U.S. military trainers to establish the mil-to-mil relationship;
to foster cooperation among the militaries, both bilaterally and
regionally, and in my experience, you don’t get as much bang for
the buck using contractors, because you don’t establish the mil-to-mil
relationship. You can’t. They’re not military. They don’t have contractor
generals.
American military
tentacles now stretch across the Sahelian belt of Africa, from
Djibouti on
the Gulf of Aden to the Atlantic.
They are there for the oil, and to cultivate relationships
with
the
generals,
and would-be generals – men whose
purchase can yield more barrels for the
buck than negotiations with governments beholden to fractious
civil societies.
In 1994, Canadian
General Romeo Dallaire tried desperately to convince the United
Nations to
reinforce his peacekeeping mission in Rwanda.
President Bill Clinton’s
administration used every device to sabotage
an international rescue effort. (See Paul
Street, April
15.) Last week, Dallaire testified before
the U.S. House Subcommittee on Africa:
"Rwanda simply had
no strategic value in its geography or in its resources. As [one
country's] interlocutor, who came in to do an assessment whether
or not to send troops to support me, said, 'The only thing you've
got here in Rwanda is a lot of people – and too much of [them].'
"That was not sufficient
to influence that power and many others to actually come in and stop
what had become the start of a genocide within a civil war."
Dallaire fears "the
nature of the political interplay in the world has not fundamentally
changed" in the last decade.
Let’s revisit Salih Booker’s
rhetorical question, and put it slightly
differently: At what point will the U.S. commit itself to effectively oppose
genocide in Africa?
Answer: When acts
of genocide impair US ability to extract what it wants from
the continent. In the case of Sudan, stability
in the oil fields takes precedence over the lives of Darfur’s
one million displaced and hunted persons.
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