“Skip” Gates is at it again:
warning us about the dangerous, self-destructive choices being made
by the United States’ poorest black citizens. I am referring to
Dr. Henry Louis “Skip” Gates, who describes himself as “center left” and
holds three prestigious academic titles, all at Harvard: W.E.B. DuBois
Professor of Humanities, Chair of the Afro-American Studies Department,
and Director of the W.E.B. DuBois Institute for Afro-American Research.
Henry Louis “Skip” Gates: “Class
Over Race”
Last February, Gates marked
Black History Month by narrating an ambitious, four-part, and British-directed
Public Broadcasting System television series titled “America Beyond
the Color Line.” “America Beyond” is meant to provide a provocative
new take on race, class, and black experience in the contemporary
United States. Some viewers, however, may have recognized Gates’ core
thesis in this documentary from an earlier Gates-PBS series broadcast
in February 1998. As in that earlier video essay, Gates focuses
in “America Beyond” on class differences within the American black
community of “the post-Civil Rights era.” In both productions,
Gates is struck by “an irony” first brought to his attention by the
renowned African-American sociologist William Julius Wilson, a fellow “center-left” colleague
at Harvard. “Since 1968,” Gates told the Chicago Tribune as “America
Beyond” aired, “we have two classes within black America, the biggest
middle-class in history and the percentage of black children living
at or beneath the poverty level is almost exactly the same as it
was the day Dr. [Martin Luther] King [Jr.] was killed. That’s bizarre
when you think about it.” (Steve Johnson, “Behind
Gates: How the Harvard Scholar is Using His ‘Color-Line’ PBS
as a Wake-Up Call,” Chicago Tribune, February 3, 2004, section
5, page 1.)
Blacks in the aftermath
of the civil rights movement are experiencing both “the best of times
and the worst of times,” Gates thinks. The “best” times are reserved
for the black middle and upper classes, whose sizes, wealth, and
power are currently unprecedented in their scale. The “worst” times
belong to the large number of impoverished or near-impoverished African-Americans
who have been unable to walk through the doors of racial opportunity
that were opened by the great civil rights victories. Failing to
cash in on the advantages afforded by the end of legal segregation
and the enactment of affirmative action (among other changes), many
of these unfortunate blacks have been left behind in jobless, crime-ridden
ghettoes that have been fled by the more successful elements of the
black populace. Like Wilson some years ago, Gates thinks that class
has replaced race as the main problem for black America. The civil
rights revolution, he appears to think, largely resolved the great
American dilemma of race, but left unresolved the deeper, more intractable
problem of class.
Manning Marable: Class And Race
But what exactly does Gates
mean by “class?” How does he explain the fracturing of black America
into “two nations?” And how true is it that race has faded relative
to class in explaining the special difficulties faced by the nation’s
poorest African-Americans? For serious black scholars of unqualified
left persuasion like Manning Marable, class is part of a bold and
radical interpretive and political framework that identifies multiple,
interrelated structures of inequality and calls for the democratic
re-structuring of dominant American institutions. According to Marable, “the
racialized inequality that African-Americans have brutally experienced
and deeply feel is only one important dimension of the larger problem
of inequality that is structured across the entire American social
order” (Marable, The
Great Wells of Democracy: The Meaning of Race in American
Life [NY, 2002], p. 7). It is part of what Marable calls “interlocking
systems of prejudice, power, and white heterosexual male privilege
in which the vast majority of the population has been defined outside
the acceptable boundaries of the mainstream.” Among these multiple “interlocking
systems,” Marable includes “the hierarchy of class: the unequal distribution
of the bulk of all private property, productive resources, factories,
banks, and financial institutions into the hands of a small minority
of the population, with the great majority forced to live and exist
only by its labor power; the development of an ideology of class
privilege that masquerades by calling itself ‘merit’; and, increasingly
the monopolization and exploitation of global resources and transnational
corporations to manufacture and preserve the privileges of class” (Marable,
p. 11).
As Marable knows, consistent
with a record of black scholarship and thought reaching back to T.
Thomas Fortune, W.E.B. DuBois, Claude McKay, and Oliver Cox and up
to Angela Davis and Adolph Reed (among many others), class inequality
has provided no small part of the context for the construction of
racial inequality and racism in America and the world. “Those who
control or dominate hierarchies, whether by ownership of the means
of production or by domination of the state,” Marable notes, “have
a vested interest in manufacturing and reproducing categories of
difference,” including race among other such groupings. Marable is
a democratic socialist opponent of class inequality who thinks “we
will never dismantle” racism in America “unless we are also willing
to address the transformation of the American social structure and
the full democratization of our political and economic institutions” (Marable,
pp. 11-12).
Like DuBois, Martable’s
broad left contextualization of racism does not lead him to the conclusion
that class/classism has transcended or displaced race/racism as the
basic issue for African-Americans. Marable is rightly critical of
many fellow leftists past and present for underestimating the autonomous
social, psychological, cultural, and political force of white supremacy. He
chides left class-reductionists for too-readily assuming that progressive
social-democratic institutional change towards the resolution of
class inequality will quickly or easily yield the overcoming of white
racism (Marable, pp. 52-55). At the same time, he argues that blacks
face an imposing inter-connected array of special, racially specific
obstacles that have interacted with class and other inequalities
to create a virulent and living legacy and system of “structural
racism” that has provided a foundational barrier to America’s democratic
pretensions since the beginning of the republic. This “structural
racism” inflicts its harshest pain on Gates’ “underclass,” but it
also and still harms more affluent African-Americans, who possess
much less wealth and power than their white counterparts and make
up a considerably smaller portion of their own race group than do
affluent whites. In a society understood accurately, on Marable’s
terms, to be fragmented at one and the same time by interlocking
and mutually reciprocal divisions of race and class, there is nothing “bizarre” or “ironic” about
the accelerated class fracturing of black America in the wake of
a strictly qualified civil rights revolution that extended a certain
measure of “whiteness” to a small section of the African-American
populace.
“No Excuse” for
Blacks Not “Running MIT”
This is not how Gates
uses “class” to understand the situation of America’s millions of
persistently impoverished and marginalized African-Americans in “America
Beyond.” Accepting the dominant privilege-friendly and Euro-bourgeois
notion that success, empowerment, and freedom are essentially available
to all who exhibit proper individual initiative and “personal responsibility,” he
thinks that African-Americans at the bottom of the steep US socioeconomic
pyramid are largely to blame for their own misery. “Class” for Gates
means that that lower-class blacks simply need to work harder and
smarter to acquire the skills, education, habits and values possessed
in greater degree by their black class superiors, including the imperialist
figurehead Colin Powell, featured as an example of what blacks can
accomplish when they work hard, study, save and behave decently.
The main “class problem” that
Gates portrays in “America Beyond” is that poor blacks just don’t
have any…well, class. “Unless there is a moral revolution and a
revolution in attitude among our people, unless [poor blacks] decide
to stay in school, learn the ABCs, not to get pregnant when you’re
16, not to run drugs, not to sell drugs…we’re doomed to have a relatively
small black middle class and huge underclass and never the twain
shall meet. The only way we can succeed in society,” Gates told
the Tribune, “is mastering the ABCs, staying in school, working
hard, deferred gratification. What’s happened to these values?,” asks
Gates. “My father always said, and it’s true, if we studied calculus
like we studied basketball, we’d be running MIT. It’s true and there’s
no excuse” (Johnson, “Beyond Gates”). This was the key theme in “Two
Nations,” where Gates proclaimed that black poverty was pretty much
about poor decisions: “deciding to get pregnant or not to have protected
sex. Deciding to do drugs. Deciding not to study. Deciding, deciding,
deciding…”
“A Wake-Up Call …Especially
to Black America”
Gates is not stupid. He
knows quite well that larger, interrelated forces of capitalism and
racism play a role in the creation of deep and disproportionate black
poverty. He says “the right makes a mistake when it says there are
no [living] historical forces of racism.” Like Wilson, he insists
- non-controversially - that everyone’s position in America reflects
a combination of inherited structure and personal agency: a truism. But “mistake” is
far too kind a word to describe the right-wing’s vicious victim-blaming
insistence that we are all personally responsible for our own wealth
and status - a claim meant to provide ideological cover for a regressive
and racist policy agenda that heaps benefits on the affluent and
whites.
At the end of the day, moreover,
Gates decides to emphasize internal and behavioral factors rather
than external structural forces to explain America’s savage racial
disparities and black poverty. Thus, Gates tells the Tribune that “America
Beyond” is “meant to be a wake-up call to America, but more especially
to black America, saying ‘are we crazy? What are we doing here?
We can’t just keep saying,’” Gates argues, “‘the white man made me
do it.’” For his part, the Tribune reporter finds “America
Beyond’s” “most striking” aspect to be “the degree to which it pushes
the idea of personal responsibility as the best solution to the black
community’s problems,” which, the reporter says, “is perhaps not
something you expect to hear from a man who identifies himself as
politically ‘center-left.’” When it’s all said and done, Gates prefers
to skip past structural-racism and get to the meat of the matter:
the personal responsibility of poor blacks.
It’s a comforting message,
no doubt, for much of white America, most of which has embraced the
convenient notion that racism (structural or otherwise) no longer
poses serious problems for blacks and that the real barriers to black
success and equality are located in the African-American community
itself. “As white America sees it,” note Leonard Steinhorn and Barbara
Diggs-Brown in their excellent study By
The Color of Their Skin: the Illusion of Integration and
the Reality of Race, (2000), “every effort has been to welcome
blacks into the American mainstream and now they’re on their own.” Predominant
white attitudes at the turn of the millennium are well summarized
by the comments of a white respondent to a survey conducted by Essence magazine. “No
place that I’m aware of,” wrote the respondent, “makes [black] people
ride on the back of the bus or use a different restroom in this day
and age. We got the message; we made the corrections - get on with
it.”
Racial Snitching
Presented through the quintessentially
Caucasian venue of the PBS documentary, parts of “America Beyond” seem
like racially treasonous snitching. In one scene from Chicago’s predominantly
black South Side, Gates looks incredulous as a young woman can offer
him no rational reason for having a large number of children out
of wedlock during her late teens and 20s. Another South Side scene
has Gates talking to a group of young black women who are enrolled
in a program designed to help them escape ghetto life. Gates asks
one young lady who or what she blames for the desperate situation
of so many of the city’s African-Americans. “Is it the system, the
man, racism,” Gates asks her, “is it capitalism?” Failing to cite
Marx or DuBois or Wilson’s latest research on the racial impact of
de-industrialization, the woman earns Gates’ approval by emphasizing
the poor choices made by ghetto residents she knows.
During one telling sequence
in “America Beyond,” Gates sits across from a black inmate at a notorious
and giant racist holding pen - the Cook County Jail. After telling
the inmate how much he himself loved attending school as a youth,
Gates looks disturbed as his interview subject recalls alienation
from the inadequate public school to which he was assigned by virtue
of his boyhood address in a dangerous, poverty-ridden Chicago neighborhood.
As the dialogue between the Harvard professor and the jail inmate
concludes, both agree on the basic wisdom of an uncontroversial conclusion:
America’s nearly one million black prison and jail inmates would
be better off if they’d hit the books and not joined gangs during
their youth.
The point is shared by U.S.
Secretary of State Powell, who tells Gates that young blacks need
to…make better choices in life. Gates does not ask Powell to elaborate
on the moral character of the Secretary’s choice to support the bloody,
illegal, unjust, and thoroughly unnecessary invasion of Iraq by collaborating
in the manufacture of spectacular high-state deceptions regarding
the threat posed by the feeble regime of Saddam Hussein. There is
no discussion of a younger Powell’s role in the Pentagon’s early
attempts to cover-up the 1968 My Lai massacres.
It’s hard to know exactly
how Gates thinks these images and stories will go over with PBS’ predominantly
white and middle-class audience. Some viewers, perhaps, will be
moved to examine the terrible stew of structure, agency, racism and
class that produces the modern ghetto. The majority, however, probably
feel validated in their tendency to hold the self-satisfied belief
that deeply impoverished, hyper-segregated inner-city blacks no longer
have anyone or anything but themselves to blame for their “worst
of times” existence in (supposedly) “best of times” America, where “all
the [racial] corrections” have supposedly been “made.”
Skipped Over
Two summers ago, a British
woman from London called me to ask a series of questions about race
and poverty in Chicago. She represented a British television production
crew that was planning an ambitious documentary investigation of
American “race relations” and would be coming through Chicago – with
Henry Louis “Skip” Gates. I was told to expect a follow-up call.
The call never came.
If Gates and his crew had
included a visit to my venerable South Side “race relations” research
office, I would have handed him a number of studies showing how class/classism
and race/racism still interact in powerful, toxic and mutually reinforcing
ways to create disproportionate poverty, misery, alienation, segregation,
inequality, and powerlessness for the black community within and
beyond Chicago. I would have discussed how the absence
of meaningful economic opportunity tends to select behaviors that
make disproportionate black crime, teen pregnancy, welfare usage,
and the like in ways that are entirely predictable. I would have
handed him a Chicago Sun Times story (Curtis Lawrence, “Race
Pay Gap Persists At All Pay Levels," January 4, 2004) showing
that a white male with a masters degree makes 27 percent more money
than
a black male with a masters and that a white male with a high school
degree makes 24 percent more than his black educational counterpart – one
of many pieces that could be cited to question what Mike Davis calls
the traditional American tendency “to accord education quasi-omnipotence
in determining individual and group futures” (Davis, Magical
Urbanism: Latinos Reinvent the U.S. City [New York, NY: Verso,
2001], p. 131).
Given Gates’ special emphasis
on crime and drug usage in a presentation dedicated to the fading
of racism as a barrier to black progress in America, I would have
asked what he made of remarkable racial disparities in the so-called “War
on Drugs” (WOD) in Chicago, Illinois, and the nation. In 2000, the
respected international human rights organization Human Rights Watch
(HRW) reported, blacks constituted an astonishing 89 percent of
all drug offenders admitted to prison in Illinois. And while blacks
make up just 15 percent of illicit drug users in the U.S., they account
for 37 percent of those arrested for drug offenses and 62 percent
of those in state prisons for drug crimes. “Do you really think,” I
would have asked the professor, “that 90 percent of the people who
use illegal drugs in my state are African-American? Why do some
peoples’ choices seem to get them in so much more trouble than do
other peoples’ choices?” It’s time, I would have told Gates, for
some good documentary white self-snitching on the free pass that
so many whites
get in this land of savage racial double standards.
Absurd Expectations
Then I would have handed
Gates some instructive thoughts from a successful and “center-left” African-American
colleague of mine, reflecting (via e-mail) on a commentary in which
liberal New York Times columnist Bob Herbert argued that inner-city
blacks’ material poverty reflected their own poor values and behavior. “There is a
need for” a “values discussion” among “the poorest African-Americans,” my
correspondent acknowledges. “But,” he added: