The following article
originally appeared in The
Jamaica Observer.
Just 11 months ago, in
his celebrated oration documenting the awesome details of Iraq's
weapons of mass destruction, US Secretary of State Colin Powell
made sure that he would not address the UN General Assembly against
the background of Picasso's Guernica Picasso's celebrated
protest in paint against superpower terrorism. The mural was hidden
from sight on General Powell's orders, as he documented the compelling
reasons for a pre-emptive invasion of Iraq to keep the world safe
from terrorism.
Printer friendly version
of Two-Faced Colin Powell cartoon.
Guernica memorializes the attack by fascist German and
Italian dive-bombers against the Spanish town of Guernica,
an assault on the
civilian population which helped doom the legitimate, socialist government
of Spain and introduce nearly half a century of dictatorship.
The world considered the dive-bombing of Guernica an atrocity. Unfortunately
for us, the world did not know of another Guernica, in Haiti, nearly 20
years earlier, when American dive bombers obliterated peasants, men
and women armed
with machetes fighting for the freedom of their country.
The Haitians are celebrating two centuries of freedom, two centuries
since their slave ancestors rose in revolt to throw the French colonizers
out of
Haiti. They had to do it twice, when Napoleon, newly installed in France,
tried to recapture the richest colony in the world for his country. The
Haitians threw out a British army too, but neither of these extraordinary
and heroic
feats is reflected in our history books.
Printer friendly version
of painting: Rah Rah - Haitian Musicians
The unprecedented achievement of Toussaint, Christophe, Dessalines
and the others has been devalued by historians who have seized on
the extravagances
of Christophe particularly to smear a glorious revolution. Since the
revolution, the history of Haiti like the history of most of the Americas has been
a history of war, violence, and exploitation financed and directed by foreigners,
mainly Americans.
It is hardly known here that at the height of the US' expansionist "Manifest
Destiny" period an attempt was made on Jamaica, after the 1907 earthquake.
The Americans at that time used all sorts of pretexts to intervene humanitarian
reasons or to quell disorder or to restore financial stability or whatever.
In the case of Jamaica, the then governor, Alexander Swettenham, ordered
the express withdrawal of American warships and marines which had landed
in Kingston, so they said, to restore order.
Swettenham lost his
job, but those Jamaicans who were looking for an American godfather
had to wait another 90 years.
"If we must die."
In an editorial a few
days ago, the Jamaica Observer said, inter alia that Caricom should have "made it clear to the Haitian opposition that
the bicentenary celebrations of the achievement of black slaves
was of monumental importance to black people across the world and
transcended the immediate domestic politics. Mr. Mbeki of South
Africa understood this. Unfortunately, [Jamaican Prime Minister
P. J.] Patterson didn't."
The artificial instabilities of the 19th century in Latin America had their
real genesis in the Monroe Doctrine, which decreed that countries in the
Americas, except those controlled by the European powers were subject to
US hegemony. George Canning, then Britain's foreign secretary, chortled: "I
have called a New World into existence to redress the balance of the Old."
France, the old colonial landlord of Haiti, had been so scared by the success
of the Haitian revolution that it sold off, for a pittance, the Louisiana
territories to the United Sates, more than doubling the size of that country.
But after Napoleon, France had second thoughts and finally managed, during
another period of Haitian instability, to extort an "agreement" that
condemned Haiti to pay a substantial annual indemnity to France for the success
of the revolution. This criminal burden was faithfully respected by the Haitians,
though it caused them no end of grief. With much of their revenue exported
to France, there was little left to develop Haiti. The Americans lent money
to "help" Haiti repay the French.
Finally, just like
today, the accumulated debt became impossible to pay and the
American marines stepped in.
The first US marine general, Caperton, was a diplomat. He was able to set
up a puppet regime of collaborators and secure a "legal" basis
for the occupation in the Haitian-American Treaty of 1915. His successor,
General Littleton Waller, was different: "These people are niggers in
spite of the thin varnish of education and refinement. Down in their hearts
they are just the same happy, idle, irresponsible people we know of."
Not surprisingly, Waller's regime provoked resistance, led mainly by a man
called Charlemagne Peralte. The puppet government had been forced to agree
to changing the constitution to allow foreigners to own land and American
capital poured in, destroying forests to plant coffee and citrus. The US
next introduced forced labor, under an old Haitian law which commanded the
people to give an occasional free day to build the country. In the American
regime, the corveι was transformed into something indistinguishable from
slavery.
Charlemagne Peralte was murdered by American troops. His people were bombed
and otherwise massacred.
Haiti was safe for
American democracy. One of those who made it so was American
Marine, General Smedley Butler, who, after he retired had second
thoughts:
"I helped make Mexico safe for American oil interests in 1914. I helped
make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect
revenues in. I helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics
for the benefits of Wall Street. The record of racketeering is long."
General Butler said: "I
suspected I was just part of a racket at the time. Now I am sure
of it. Like all the members of the military profession, I never
had a thought of my own until I left the service. My mental faculties
remained in suspended animation while I obeyed the orders of
higher-ups. This is typical in the military service." Butler
compared himself unfavorably to Al Capone. He said his official
racketeering made Capone look like an amateur.
Floating barracoons
in Kingston Harbor
The utter backwardness
of the present government of Jamaica was never better expressed
than in 1994, when, stooging for the Americans, it allowed the
mooring of American "floating barracoons" in Kingston
harbor. On these ships Haitians fleeing the successors to Duvalier
were "processed" most of them sent back to the country
in which they were in danger of having their "faces chopped
off," according to no less than President Clinton.
This unprincipled and barbarous betrayal of fellow human beings, our brothers,
made me want to vomit. It still does. Because that stooging prepared the
way for what now happens in Haiti, where forces antagonistic to every principle
of the original revolution are determined, at long last, to make Haiti submit,
to tie her down for eternal rape to use General Butler's word.
People will tell you that Haitians are the authors of their own misery. As
other people say, people who don't remember their history are doomed to repeat
it.
The dismemberment and strip mining of Haiti's economy, social, political
and intellectual life was under regimes tolerated or sponsored by the United
States. To this day the United States protects some of the face-choppers,
people who formed the US-sponsored FRAPH, supposedly a force to rebuild Haiti,
according to democratic free-market principles.
Today, elements of the same forces provide the opposition to President Aristide,
defecating on their own history with a little help from their friends.
"The Haiti Democracy Project was officially launched Tuesday, November 19,
2002 at the Brookings Institution in Washington, DC. The inauguration brought
together over 120 guests and participants from the Haitian-American community
along with members of the US academic and foreign-policy communities." This,
according to the Haiti
Democracy Project (HDP) website.
Even the assistant secretary general of the OAS, Luigi Einaudi, was
there: "Einaudi opened the talks with dire predictions that Haiti was
fast approaching a point where diplomatic means would no longer contribute
to solve the crisis. According to Einaudi, those concerned about Haiti should
at this time be gathering for a 'wake'." (Source HDP.)
For an OAS official to take part in such a ceremony and say what he said,
seems to me to be grossly improper, at the very least.
In June the HDP exhorted the OAS to disbar Haiti from membership and to intervene
to remove President Aristide from office.
HDP and others blame Aristide for everything that is wrong with Haiti. After
his re-election less than four years ago the multilateral agencies, at the
urging of the United States, withheld all aid from Haiti until they were
satisfied that Haiti had made itself into a democracy recognizable as such
by Americans. The pivot of this blackmail was the fact that there were irregularities
in the elections of a few senators, a fact of much slighter significance
than the irregularities in the election of President Bush. In Haiti,
there was absolutely no question of who was the people's choice.
In the case of Haiti these "irregularities" now assume transcendental
importance, and are cause for the world to condemn Haiti to starve in obscene
misery. Without the money, Haiti's debt, incurred mainly by the Duvaliers,
cannot be serviced if the people of Haiti are to eat or go to school. Without
the money, thousands perish every year from HIV/AIDS and starvation.
William Jennings Bryan, secretary of state to US President Woodrow Wilson,
eighty years ago expressed the contempt in which the Haitians are held by
the Anglo-Saxon power structure:
"Imagine!" Bryan said, "Niggers speaking French!!!"
Perhaps it would be
to our mutual advantage if Mr. Patterson might learn either French
or Creole, like the Haitian revolutionary hero, Bouckman, who
was a Jamaican.
John Maxwell of
the University of the West Indies (UWI) is the veteran Jamaican
journalist who in 1999 single-handedly thwarted the Jamaican government's
efforts to build houses at Hope, the nation's oldest and best known
botanical gardens. His campaigning earned him first prize in the
2000 Sandals Resort's annual Environmental Journalism Competition,
the region's richest journalism prize. He is also the author of
How to Make Our Own News: A Primer for Environmentalists and Journalists.
Jamaica, 2000. Mr. Maxwell can be reached at [email protected]
Copyright ©2004
John Maxwell