Apr 19, 2012 - Issue 468 |
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Slavery on the
New Plantation
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The 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution
retained the right to enslave within the confines of prison. “Neither
slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within
the Even before the abolition of chattel
slavery, Today, such prisons are referred to as “Factories with Fences.” The Convict-Lease System In Southern states, Slave Codes
were rewritten as Black Codes, a series of laws criminalizing the law-abiding
activities of Black people, such as standing around, “loitering,” or
walking at night, “breaking curfew.” The enforcement of these Codes
dramatically increased the number of Blacks in Southern prisons. In
1878, The lease system provided slave
labor for plantation owners or private industries as well as revenue
for the state, since incarcerated workers were entirely in the custody
of the contractors who paid a set annual fee to the state (about $25,000).
Entire prisons were leased out to private contractors who literally
worked hundreds of prisoners to death. Prisons became the new plantations;
The inherent brutality and cruelty of the lease system and the loss of outside jobs sparked resistance that eventually brought about its demise. One of the most famous battles was
the Coal Creek Rebellion of 1891. When the Strikes by prisoners and union workers together were organized by then radical CIO and other labor unions. They pressured Congress to pass the 1935 Ashurst-Sumners Act making it illegal to transport prison-made goods across state lines. But under President Jimmy Carter, Congress granted exemptions to the Act by passing the Justice System Improvement Act of 1979, which produced the Prison Industries Enhancement program, or PIE, that eventually spread to all 50 states. This lifted the ban on interstate transportation and sale of prison-made products, permitting a for-profit relationship between prisons and the private sector, and prompting a dramatic increase in prison labor which continues to escalate. As the leasing system phased out,
a new, even more brutal exploitation emerged - the chain gang. An extremely
dehumanizing cruelty that chained men, and later women, together in
groups of five, it was originated to build extensive roads and highways.
The first state to institute chain gangs was Thanks to a lawsuit settled by the Southern Poverty Law Center, Alabama’s Department of Corrections agreed in 1996 to stop chaining prisoners together. A few years later, the Center won a Court ruling that ended use of the hitching post as a violation of the 8th Amendment’s ban on “cruel and unusual punishment.” In response to the demands of World War II, the number of both free and captive road workers declined significantly. In 1941, there were 1,750 prisoners slaving in 28 active road camps for all types of construction and maintenance. The numbers bottomed out by war’s end at 540 captives in 17 camps. The Proliferation of Prisons, Jails, and Camps In the 1940s, California Governor Earl Warren conducted secret investigations into the State’s only prisons, San Quentin and Folsom. The depravity, squalor, sadism, and torture he found led the governor to initiate the building of Soledad Prison in 1951. Prisoners were put to work in educational
and vocational programs that taught basic courses in English and math,
and provided training in trades ranging from gardening to meat cutting.
At wages of 7 to 25 cents an hour, Within a decade this “model prison” at Soledad had become another torture chamber of filthy dungeons, literal “holes,” virulently racist guards, officially sanctioned brutality, torture, and murder. Though prison jobs were supposed to be voluntary, if prisoners refuse to work they were often given longer sentences, denied privileges, or thrown into solitary confinement. Forced to work long hours under miserable conditions, in the 1960s, “Soledad Brother,” George Jackson, organized a work strike that turned into a riot after white strikebreakers tried to lynch one of the Black strikers. The Black Movement’s resistance,
led by George Jackson, W. L. Nolen, and Hugo “Yogi” Pinell, eventually
brought Congressional oversight and overhaul of California’s prison system rose exponentially to approximately 174,000 prisoners crammed into 90 penitentiaries, prisons and camps stretched across 900 miles of the fifth-largest economy in the world, as Ruth Gilmore’s book, Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California) reports. That number can be doubled or tripled by those on other forms of penal control, probation, parole, or house arrest. Since 1984, the Between 1998 and 2009, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) budget grew from $3.5 billion to $10.3 billion (the latest figures available). At its peak in August 2007, the department had 72 gyms and 125 dayrooms jammed with 19,618 inmate beds. “They provided an accurate and extremely
graphic example of the crowding and inhumanity that engulfed the entire
system,” said Don Specter, director of the nonprofit Prison Law Office
in The Privatizing of Federal and State Prisons Under court order to reduce overcrowding,
by 2009, the CDCR had transferred 8,000 prisoners to private prisons
in four states – In 1985, U.S. Supreme Court Justice
Warren Burger lauded Heeding the judge’s call, Currently, For the State’s highest wage, $1
hour, prisoners provide the “backbone of the state’s wild land fire
fighting crews,” according to an unpublished CDC report. The State Department
of Forestry saves more than $80 million annually using prison labor.
“Their primary function is to construct fire lines by hand in areas where heavy machinery cannot be used because of steep topography, rocky terrain, or areas that may be considered environmentally sensitive.” (i.e., the most dangerous fire lines). Now at least 37 states have similar
programs wherein prisoners manufacture everything from blue jeans to
auto parts, electronics and toys. Clothing made in One of the newest forms of slave labor is the U.S. Army’s “Civilian Inmate Labor Program” to “benefit both the Army and corrections systems” by providing “a convenient source of labor at no direct cost to Army installations,” additional space to alleviate prison overcrowding, and cost-effective use of land and facilities otherwise not being utilized. “With a few exceptions,” this program is currently limited to prisoners under the Federal Bureau of Prisons (FBOP) that allows the Attorney General to provide the services of federal prisoners to other federal agencies, defining the types of services they can perform. The Program stipulates that the “Army is not interested in, nor can afford, any relationship with a corrections facility if that relationship stipulates payment for civilian inmate labor. Installation civilian inmate labor program operating costs must not exceed the cost avoidance generated from using inmate labor.” In other words the prison labor must be free of charge. The three “exceptions” to exclusive Federal contracting are as follows: (1) “a demonstration project” providing “prerelease employment training to nonviolent offenders in a State correctional facility” [CF]. (2) Army National Guard units “may use inmates from an off-post State and/or local CF.” (3) Civil Works projects. Services provided might include constructing or repairing roads, maintaining or reforesting public land, building levees, landscaping, painting, carpentry, trash pickup, etc. This Civilian Inmate Labor Program document includes in its countless specifications such caveats as “Inmates must not be referred to as employees.” A prisoner would not qualify if he/she is a “person in whom there is a significant public interest,” who has been a “significant management problem,” “a principal organized crime figure,” any “inmate convicted of a violent crime,” a sex offense, involvement with drugs within the last three years, an escape risk, “a threat to the general public.” Makes one wonder why such a prisoner isn’t just released or paroled. In fact, the “hiring qualifications” makes me suspect the “Civilian Inmate Labor Program” is a backdoor draft, especially in lieu of a military already stretched to its limit. Note: When I tried to find an updated web page on the Civilian Inmate Labor Program, there was none. The date remains 2005 for its latest report. Could the latest data be classified? The Federal Prison Industries (FPI), a nonprofit Justice Department subsidiary, that does business as UNICOR, was created in 1935, and began supplying the Pentagon on a broad scale in the 1980s. The prison privatization boom began in the 1980s, under the governments of Ronald Reagan and George Bush Sr., but reached its height in 1990 under Bill Clinton when the Wall Street stocks were selling like hotcakes. In fact, President Clinton accomplished a record $10 billion prison building boom in the 1990s. His program for cutting the federal workforce resulted in the Justice Department’s contracting of private prison corporations for the incarceration of undocumented workers and high-security inmates. (Global Research, 2008) By 2003, there were 100 FPI factories working 20,274 prisoners with sales totaling $666.8 million. And currently FPI employs about 19,000 captives, slightly less than 20 percent of the federal prison population, in 106 prison factories around the country. Profits totaled at least $40 million! In 2005, FPI sold more than $750,000,000 worth of goods to the federal government. Sales to the Army alone put UNICOR on the Army’s list of top 50 suppliers, ahead of well-known corporations like Dell Computer, according to Wayne Woolley, Newhouse News Service. In 2011, the Justice Policy Institute (JPI) released a report that exposes how private prison companies are “working to make money through harsh policies and longer sentences.” The report notes that while the total number of prisoners increased less than 16 percent, the number of people held in private federal and state facilities increased by 120 and 33 percent, respectively. Government spending on so-called
corrections rose to $74 billion in 2007. And last year (2011) the two
largest private prison companies - Corrections Corporation of America
(CCA) and GEO Group - made over $2.9 billion in profits. These corporations
use three strategies to influence public policy: lobbying, direct campaign
contributions and networking. They succeeded in getting A relatively new ordering tool used by BOP (Bureau of Prisons) is GSA Advantage!, the federal government’s premier online ordering system that provides 24-hour access to over 17 million products and services, solutions available from over 16,000 GSA Multiple Award Schedules contractors, as well as all products available from GSA Global Supply. Since the beginning of the war in
The demand for defense products from FPI became so great that “national exigency” provisions were invoked so the 20 percent limit on goods provided in each category could be exceeded. The rules were waived during the 1991 Persian Gulf War. Private manufacturers say they’ve been hurt by such practice, as they are unable to bid on various products. According to the Left Business Observer, the federal prison industry produces 100% of all military helmets, ammunition belts, bulletproof vests, ID tags, shirts, pants, tents, bags, and canteens. Along with war supplies, prison workers supply 98% of the entire market for equipment assembly services; 93% of paints and paintbrushes; 92% of stove assembly; 46% of body armor; 36% of home appliances; 30% of headphones/microphones/speakers; and 21% of office furniture. Airplane parts, medical supplies, and much more: prisoners are even raising seeing-eye dogs for blind people. By 2007, the overall sales figures and profits for federal and state prison industries had skyrocketed into the billions. Apparently, the military industrial complex (MIC) and the prison industrial complex (PIC) have joined forces. The PIC is a network of public and private prisons, of military personnel, politicians, business contacts, prison guard unions, contractors, subcontractors and suppliers all making big profits at the expense of poor people who comprise the overwhelming majority of captives. The fastest growing industry in the country, it has its own trade exhibitions, conventions, websites, and mail-order / Internet catalogs and direct advertising campaigns. Corporate stockholders who make money off prisoners’ labor lobby for longer sentences, in order to expand their workforce. Replacing the “contract and lease” system of the 19th Century, private companies that have contracted prison labor include Microsoft, Boeing, Honeywell, IBM, Revlon, Pierre Cardin, Compaq, Victoria Secret, Macy’s, Target, Nordstrom, and countless others. In 1995, there were only five private prisons in the country, with a population of 2,000 inmates; now, private companies operate 264 correctional facilities housing some 99,000 adult prisoners. The two largest private prison corporations in the US, GEO Group (formerly Wackenhut) and Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) are transnationals, managing prisons and detention centers in 34 states, Australia, Canada, South Africa, and the United Kingdom. A top performer on the New York
Stock Exchange, CCA called Employers (Read: slavers) don’t have to pay health or unemployment insurance, vacation time, sick leave or overtime. They can hire, fire or reassign inmates as they so desire, and can pay the workers as little as 21 cents an hour. The inmates cannot respond with a strike, file a grievance, or threaten to leave and get a better job. On September 19, 2005, UNICOR was commended for its outstanding support of the nation’s military. Deputy Commander of the Defense Supply Center Philadelphia (DSCP), presented the Bureau of Prisons Director with a “Supporting the Warfighter” award. The award recognized UNICOR for its tremendous support of DSCP’s mission to provide equipment, materials, and supplies to each branch of the armed forces. “We at DSCP are very appreciative of UNICOR, especially with our critical need items. With more than $200 million worth of orders during Fiscal Years 2004 and 2005, UNICOR has not had a single delinquency.” Mass roundups of immigrants and
non-citizens, currently about half of all federal prisoners, and dragnets
in low-income “hoods” have increased the prison population to unprecedented
levels. Andrea Hornbein points out in Profit Motive: “The majority of
these arrests are for low level offenses or outstanding warrants, and
impact the taxpayer far more than the offense. For example, a $300 robbery
resulting in a 5-year sentence, at the Nearly 75% of all prisoners are drug war captives. A criminal record today practically forces an ex-con into illegal employment since they don’t qualify for legitimate jobs or subsidized housing. Minor parole violations, unaffordable bail, parole denials, longer mandatory sentencing and three strikes laws, slashing of welfare rolls, overburdened court systems, shortages of public defenders, massive closings of mental hospitals, and high unemployment (about 50% for Black men) - all contribute to the high rates of incarceration and recidivism. Thus, the slave labor pool continues to expand. Among the most powerful unions today are the guards’ unions. The California Corrections Peace Officers Association (CCPOA) wields so much political power it practically decides who governs the state. Moreover, its members get the State’s biggest payouts, according to the L.A. Times. “More than 1600 officers’ earnings exceeded legislators’ 2007 salaries of $113,098.” Base pay for 6,000 guards earning $100,000 or more totaled $453 million, with overtime adding another $220 million to wages. One lieutenant guard earned more than any other state official, including the Governor, or $252,570. The National Correctional Industries Association (NCIA) is an international nonprofit professional association, whose self-declared mission is “to promote excellence and credibility in correctional industries through professional development and innovative business solutions.” NCIA’s members include all 50 state correctional industry agencies, Federal Prison Industries, foreign correctional industry agencies, city and county jail industry programs, and private sector companies working in partnership with correctional industries. Chattel slavery was ended following prolonged guerrilla warfare between the slaves and the slave-owners and their political allies. Referred to as the “Underground Railroad,” it was led by the revolutionary General Harriet Tubman with support from her alliances with abolitionists, Black and White. It only makes sense that this new form of slavery must produce prison abolitionists. As George Jackson noted in a KPFA interview with Karen Wald (Spring 1971), “I’m saying that it’s impossible, impossible, to concentration-camp resisters....We have to prove that this thing won’t work here. And the only way to prove it is resistance...and then that resistance has to be supported, of course, from the street....We can fight, but the results are...not conducive to proving our point...that this thing won’t work on us. From inside, we fight and we die....the point is -- in the new face of war -- to fight and win.” Power to the people. BlackCommentator.com Guest Commentator, Kiilu Nyasha, is a San Francisco-based journalist
and former member of the Black Panther Party. Through the end of 2009,
Kiilu hosted a weekly TV program, “Freedom Is A Constant Struggle,”
on SF Live, and many shows are archived on her website. Kiilu writes for several publications, including
the SF Bay View Newspaper, and is also an accomplished radio programmer.
She has worked for KPFA (Berkeley), SF Liberation Radio, Free Radio
Berkeley, and KPOO in |
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