Note:
BlackCommentator.com Editorial Board member Chuck Turner is writing this
column from the U.S. Federal Prison in Hazelton, West Virginia
where he is serving a three year term for a bribery conviction. BC is
in contact with Mr. Turner by email and telephone.
Click here to
send an email message that BC can
pass on to Chuck.
Dear
Supporters,
I
was arrested by the FBI on November 21, 2008 at 6:15 a.m.
at Boston City Hall where I had served as a City Councilor
for 9 years. At 3 p.m. on the same day, I was arraigned
before a judge magistrate in Worcester, MA, 45 miles from
Boston, on one count of extortion, 3 counts of lying to
FBI agents, and 1 count of conspiracy. On October 29, 2010,
I was convicted of 1 count of extortion and 3 counts of
lying to FBI agents. The conspiracy charge was dropped without
explanation. On January 25, 2011, I was sentenced to 36
months in a federal penitentiary. The sentence was based
on my conviction on the four counts and the judge's assertion
that I had perjured myself when I took the stand to testify
in my own defense.
Today
I am in my 11th week at the work camp at USP Hazelton in
Bruceton Mills, West Virginia, where 130 men convicted of
nonviolent financial crimes serve as the work force for
the Hazelton prison complex, composed of a women's medium
security prison with 1000 inmates and a men's maximum security
prison with 1700 inmates. Based on the Bureau of Prison
Sentencing Monitoring Computation of 3-31-2011, I will be
released on November 2, 2013 if I maintain my good time.
Due
to my financial insolvency, I applied for a court appointed
appeals lawyer and was fortunate to have the appeals court
appoint, Attorney Charles Rankin of the firm of Rankin and
Sultan. Attorney Rankin is a prominent Boston appeals lawyer.
Based on his reputation, I am convinced he will make an
excellent presentation of the appeal. However, I believe
I have a responsibility based on my experience with the
Justice Department during the last two and a half years
to show how U.S. Attorneys and their special police force,
the FBI, use their law enforcement powers as well as media
and political relationships to eliminate those who they
view as a threat or as not cooperating with their political
objectives.
I
made this promise to my supporters at a rally in front of
my Roxbury office on the day before Thanksgiving 2008, a
few days after my arrest. I think I have enough objectivity
now to effectively make such a presentation. Each week for
the next eight weeks, I will send an Chapter of what I am
calling, "Anatomy of a FRAME UP". My purpose is
not to prove my innocence. While I am innocent of the crimes
of which I was convicted, I understand that regardless of
the outcome of my appeal, I will always carry the label
of being a convicted felon. Fortunately, I have learned
through my 48 years of activism that it does not matter
what people label you as long as you live by the principles
that you believe are appropriate for a civilized society.
I
realize that there is a danger in accusing a former member
of the Justice Department of what i view as a crime, especially
while I am under the control of the Bureau of Prisons, a
bureau of the Justice Department. However, I have spent
my life urging those who are being oppressed to stand up,
speak the truth, and fight the power despite the dangers.
I have pointed out that justice can only result when those
experiencing injustice loudly and publicly oppose the forces
perpetuating it. How can I do less at a time when the "criminal
justice system" is so ruthlessly taking away the liberty
of my brothers and sisters of all races. We must all do
what we can to fight "Prosecutorial Terrorism".
It is our responsibility to free our country of this cancer.
We owe it to our future generations, particularly those
of us who have experienced their terrorism.
What
follows are the titles of the eight chapters and a brief
summary of what will be the focus of each.
Chapter
I: A Lifetime of Service:
Since
US Attorney Sullivan alleged that my crime was a betrayal
of my public trust as an elected official, I feel it is
necessary for me to share my background that led to a life
time of activism; the nature of that activism; what led
me to run for political office at age 59; and how I carried
out those responsibilities for nine years before I was convicted
of being a corrupt public official and removed from the
City Council by a vote of my fellow Councilors 11-1 (I couldn't
vote).
Chapter
2: The Keystone Cops Strike Again:
My
arrest was obviously a very serious matter. At the same
time, the way they handled the arrest of a 68 year old activist
and respected public official seemed to me at the time and
today as a scene out of a grade B FBI movie of the 40s.
However, it also had shadings of the slapstick comedy of
the Keystone Cops movies of the 20s. Their behavior certainly
did not seem appropriate for Justice Department officials
handling the arrest of a fellow officer of the government.
Chapter
3: The Big Lie:
A
few hours after my arrest on November 21, 2008, US Attorney
Sullivan called a press conference to announce that I had
been arrested for conspiring with a black female state senator,
Senator Dianne Wilkerson, to extort money from a Roxbury
business man, Ron Wilburn,who was trying to obtain a liquor
license. However, since US Attorney Sullivan had authorized
in March 2007 the hiring of Mr. Wilburn to attempt to entrap
the Senator and me, he was obviously lying about the participants
in the conspiracy. He was the chief conspirator using the
FBI, his staff, and Wilburn to attempt to create a crime
around the Senator and me. I believe Sullivan's lying to
the media about the background of my arrest is what should
be prosecuted as wire fraud. Unfortunately US Attorneys
can not be tried for the crimes they commit "under
color of law".
Chapter
4: A Jury of My Peers:
Less
than five hours after my arrest, almost as if synchronized
with the US Attorney's press conference, the then President
of the City Council, Maureen Feeney, having consulted with
Mayor Menino's lawyer, William Sinnott, announced to the
press that I was being stripped of all my City Council Committee
responsibilities and would be invited to a special meeting
of the City Council the following work day when the Council
would determine what action to take based on the accusation
that I had committed a crime. She backed away from her plan
when she saw five hundred of my supporters come to City
Hall to attend the meeting that i had requested be open
to the public. However, she continued her quest by getting
the Mayor hire a lawyer to gather evidence and explore alternatives
at $500 a hour. Fortunately, the new Council President Ross
rescinded her actions.
Chapter
5: What First Amendment?:
Infuriated
with the fact that I had been challenging the actions of
his office since the day of my arrest, US Attorney Sullivan
had Asst US Attorney McNeil file a motion on January 5,
2009 requesting that the presiding magistrate approve a
gag order to silence me. The order which the magistrate
approved required that all the evidence in the case be withheld
unless I signed a gag order saying that I would not publicly
discuss anything in the evidence. I refused to sign for
the following reasons. First, I was running to retain my
Council seat and believed I had a responsibility to my constituents
to speak to the issues involved in the case. Second, I believed
I had a responsibility to defend my first amendment rights.
The third reason was that since the US Attorney had begun
the public discussion of my case, by showing alleged evidence
of "my crime" to the media, I didn't think that
I should be denied the opportunity if I chose. This led
to the U.S. Attorney's office withholding their "evidence"
from my lawyer for 10 months until I won the election and
signed the order.
Chapter
6: The Three Ring Circus:
This
Chapter will focus on the trial. Its title does not refer
to Judge Woodlock's handling of the trial. I use the term
because at a circus, the action takes place in three rings.
During my two week trial, there were three elements/rings
that served from my perspective as the foundation of my
conviction for a federal crime: a) Judge Woodlock's explanation
to the jury that while I was being charged with extortion,
I did not even have to ask for money in order to be convicted
on the charge; b) My decision that as a public official
I had to take the stand despite my lawyer and the judge
urging me not to do so; and c) The testimony by a liquor
wholesaler that if Mr. Wilburn had obtained a liquor license,
and if he had opened a club, and had bought liquor from
the wholesaler's 0firm, the alcohol would have to come from
out of state. The fact that the alcohol would have had to
cross state lines gave Sullivan the opportunity to use his
federal powers to initiate a sting regarding the issuance
of state liquor license to entrap the Senator and me.
Chapter
7: Ladies and Gentlemen of the Jury:
I
will use this chapter to present the evidence, seen by the
jury, that should have convinced them of my innocence. I
will present the evidence in the form of a closing argument
to the jury. I will also point out in that argument the
relevance to my innocence of the fact that U.S. Attorney
Sullivan built his public justification for my arrest around
the lie that Senator Wilkerson and I conspired to extort
money from Mr. Wilburn. How could I be in a conspiracy with
the Senator to extort money from Mr. Wilburn when the evidence
presented at the trial shows that the FBI instructed Mr.
Wilburn to suggest to the Senator that they involve me in
the scheme that he was creating to entrap the Senator.
Chapter
8: I Warned You:
The
jury found me guilty of one count of extortion of $1000
and three counts of lying to federal officials when I told
them that I did not recognize their picture of Mr. Wilburn
or remember any interactions with him. Despite the fact
that I had never been convicted of a crime, either state
or federal, other than civil rights protests and had 700
letters of support urging that I be given probation, I was
sentenced to 3 years in jail and three years probation.
I will use this last Chapter to show how they used my assertion
of innocence before the trial as well as on the witness
stand to justify a sentence that many view as cruel and
unusual punishment for a crime I didn't commit.
I
debated whether to include a chapter on my ouster from the
Boston City Council on Rosa Parks Day, December 1, 2010.
I have decided to not include it in the "Anatomy......"
since it was an action initiated not by the US Attorney
and the FBI but by Council President Ross, supported by
Mayor Menino and his lawyer, William Sinnott. In addition,
my lawyer, Chester Darling who is representing me in my
challenge of the legality of the Council ouster, says that
the Supreme Judicial Court (SJC) at the request of the Chief
Justice of the Massachusetts Federal Court Mark Wolfe will
hear our arguments regarding the illegality of the Council's
actions and the erroneous advice of Counsel Sinnott either
in September or October. So I will hold any discussion of
this until after the arguments before the SJC.
Next
week: Chapter 1: A Lifetime of Service
A Luta Continua—The Struggle Continues!
Chuck
Click here to
read any part in this BC series.
BlackCommentator.com Editorial Board Member Chuck
Turner - Served as a member of the Boston City Council
for ten years and eleven months. He was a member and founder
of the Fund the Dream campaign and was the Chair of the
Council’s Human Rights Committee, and Vice Chair of the
Hunger and Homelessness Committee. Click here to
contact Mr. Turner. Your email messages will be passed on
to Mr. Turner by BC. You may also visit SupportChuckTurner.com.
You
may also write to Mr. Turner. The address is:
Charles
Turner #80641038
Hazelwood Penitentiary, P.O. Box 2000
Bruceton Mills, West Virginia 26525
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