John Authers, the financial markets
columnist for the Financial Times got it right: �The
politics of the shutdown have been melodramatic and its
possible effects overstated.� The paper�s editors called
the episode �banana republic machinations.� Well, it�s over
now; the troops will get paid on time and the national parks
remain open. If
the whole, hardly-nail-biting business accomplished nothing
else it momentarily diverted attention away from the big
budget fight coming up, the one that will probably shape
the country�s economic and social reality for decades to
come.
Actually, there will be effects from
last week�s Congressional action. It will mean a lot fewer
resources will be available to aid the needy and disadvantaged,
and some more grease has been applied to the rungs on the
ladder as the country tries to climb out of the Great Recession.
But now comes the real battle.
President Obama is being �pressed
as never before to define what American liberalism means
in the 21St Century,� Peter Baker wrote in the Sunday New
York Times. A couple days earlier, columnist David Brooks
wrote that �Democrats seem to believe that most Americans
want to preserve the 20th-century welfare state programs�
that he clearly doesn�t. According to Brooks, �the real
argument is not about cutting a few billion here or there.
It is about the underlying architecture of domestic programs
in 2012 and beyond.�
Christopher Caldwell, editor of the
rightwing Weekly Standard, spelled out the meaning
of the Republican Party�s new economic blueprint very well.
�The real drama came from the budget
for next year released by House budget committee chairman
Paul Ryan,� wrote Caldwell.
�It lays out what the US
needs to do over the coming decades to avoid being crushed
under the promises its welfare state has made� and, he continued,
�Americans will have to give up their cushy retirements
and a Medicare system�� And, instead of any tax increases
to accompany the spending cut, he continued, there will
be new relief for the well-to-do. �Mr. Ryan would cut the
top rate from 35 per cent to 25 per cent, in hopes of �broadening
the base�.�
�One suspects, though, that tax rises
are going to be necessary to make any budget politically
sustainable,� wrote Caldwell, �With the acuity that comes
from anger, US voters see quite well what �broaden the base�
means, and they know why supply-side theory holds that it
is good for job creation. It
means lowering rates for the richest and increasing the
number of people who pay income tax, and it fosters growth
because it re-allocates capital from the classes that don�t
start businesses and invent things to the classes that do.�
The Ryan plan would extract �savings�
of up to $6 trillion over 10 years, mostly through reductions
in Medicare and Medicaid. It would also mandate $4 trillion
in tax cuts over the same period going mostly to those in
the upper incomes brackets. One estimate has it that the
Ryan plan would mean $200,000 in tax cuts for millionaires
and immediately double the out-of-pocket healthcare cost
for the average senior. Because the tax cuts will mean billions
in lost revenue, the plan �slashes programs that protect
the masses in the middle, education, healthcare reform,
veterans� benefits, public transportation, health and safety
regulation, food and import inspection, Medicaid and Medicare,�
says Unites Steelworkers union President Leo Gerard.
So, there you have it, a vision of
capitalism�s social contract for the 21st Century. Thus
the question for the new century is not whether a rising
tide can be expected to lift all boats but whether most
of the smaller boats will have to take on more water so
that the biggest boats can remain afloat?
In an April 8 letter to the Times�
editor, David Berman observed, �David Brooks is right that
Americans have failed to �confront the implications of their
choices� � We have, for example, started a trillion dollars�
worth of war and passed an almost trillion-dollar tax cut
at the same time - one of the stupidest and most self-destructive
choices in American history.
�But
the only thing courageous about Representative Paul D. Ryan�s
proposal is that it dares to suggest reviving the America
of the 19th century, when the poor, the elderly, the infirm
and the otherwise unfortunate solved the problems they might
have posed by simply dying off.�
President Obama will lay out a long-term
deficit reduction plan later this week that will take �a
scalpel, not a machete,� to programs like Medicare and education
and try once again to extract more taxes from the wealthiest
Americans, his senior adviser said Sunday,� Joseph Berger
wrote in the Sunday Times. It�s hard to see why anyone
would want to take even an Exacto knife to education funding,
let alone a scalpel. But when it comes to education, a lot
of Washington
policymakers and pundits speak out of both sides of their
mouths these days. Best judge them by what they do rather
than what they say.
�We preserved the investments we
need to win the future,� Obama said when the preliminary
Congressional tempest was over.
�That�s not true,� responded economist
Robert Reich. �The budget he just approved will cut Pell
grants to poor kids, while states continue massive cutbacks
in school spending - firing tens of thousands of teachers
and raising fees at public universities. The budget he approved
is cruel to the nation�s working class and poor.�
President Obama is �losing the war
of ideas because he won�t tell the American public the truth:
That we need more government spending now - not less - in
order to get out of the gravitational pull of the Great
Recession,� Reich wrote Sunday. �That we got into the Great
Recession because Wall Street went bonkers and government
failed to do its job at regulating financial markets. And
that much of the current deficit comes from the necessary
response to that financial crisis.
�That the only ways to deal with
the long-term budget problem is to demand that the rich
pay their fair share of taxes, and to slow down soaring
healthcare costs.
�And that, at a deeper level, the
increasingly lopsided distribution of income and wealth
has robbed the vast working middle class of the purchasing
power they need to keep the economy going at full capacity.�
�This President owes an explanation
to the American people why, at a time when the nation�s
critical needs are going unmet at both the federal and state
levels, when 50 million people are without health insurance,
record numbers in poverty, 14 million people are unemployed
- millions for more than a year - and Governors are balancing
their budgets on the backs of teachers, firemen, police,
health and safety workers, etc, he thinks the right policy
is to slash federal spending even though the wealthiest
Americans control 40 percent of the wealth and just got
hundreds of billions in tax cut gifts,� wrote Scarecrow
on firedoglake.com.
�It�s wrong, stupid, cruel, mindless.
In short, it�s a mistake. Moody�s Mark Zandi just explained
that giving the Zombies what they demand would cost up to
700,000 jobs,� continued Scarecrow. �If you give them 2/3
of that now, we�ll lose about 465,000 jobs just this round.
Yet Obama did not bother to contradict Mr. Boehner, who
told the media this package will �help create a better environment
for job creators.� In which alternate universe? Is anyone
watching Ireland,
Portugal, the UK, where these same austerity policies are hurting
their economies?�
The
problem is that the President has, in the words of economist
Paul Krugman, succumbed to reinforcing �his enemies� narrative.�
In it, the central problems facing the nation are not unemployment,
people losing their homes by the millions, cutback in education
or increasing child poverty rates. It�s the federal deficit,
and shredding the social safety net and increasing the precariousness
of the elderly is something to be celebrated not lamented.
All under the trappings of �bipartisanship.�
Actually there is little bipartisan
about it. There are sensible people among the Democrats
trying to limit the damage and there may be a sensible Republican
or two tucked away in a closet somewhere. However, those
wielding both the machetes and the scalpels are on both
sides of the aisle. Both parties were involved in the ill-fated
Simpson Bowles commission that couldn�t come to an agreement
or vote on a formal report but which keeps popping up like
Dracula in the moonlight. It seems to have found its latest
reincarnation as the bipartisan �Gang of Six� senators who
were expected to announce this week that they have reached
agreement on a Simpson Bowles-like debt-reduction package.
The principle targets remain clear. They want to take a
samurai sword to Medicare and Medicaid, and perhaps only
a breadknife to Social Security. All in the name of �deficit
reduction.�
So why were Reid and Obama so eager
to celebrate [House Majority Leader] Boehner�s compromise
with his conservative members?� asked Ezra Klein in the
Washington Post this week. �The Democrats believe
it�s good to look like a winner, even if you�ve lost. But
they�re sacrificing more than they let on. By celebrating
spending cuts, they�ve opened the door to further austerity
measures at a moment when the recovery remains fragile.
Claiming political victory now opens the door to further
policy defeats later.�
At
the moment, the economy is weak, observed Klein. �Giving
into austerity will weaken it further, or at least delay
recovery for longer. And if Obama does not get a recovery,
then he will not be a successful president, no matter how
hard he works to claim Boehner�s successes as his own. Clinton�s
speeches were persuasive because the labor market did a
lot of his talking for him. But when unemployment is stuck
at eight percent, there�s no such thing as a great communicator.�
�After weeks of apportioning blame
and predicting political blowback, members of both parties
will now likely issue a round of celebratory missives congratulating
each other for doing their job,� Alex Altman wrote last
week on the Time magazine webpage. �In truth, neither
party emerges from the episode looking good. Boehner spent
months framing the budget debate as a crusade to cut spending,
but in the end, it was abundantly clear that for some of
the social conservatives in his conference, dollars and
cents were less important than ideological fault lines like
abortion, health-care reform and global warming. Democrats,
meanwhile, didn�t inspire confidence in their ability to
haggle. They conceded a vital ideological battle from the
get-go, allowing that spending cuts - rather than further
investments - are the proper way to juice a flagging economy,
a point on which economists are bitterly divided.) Some
suggest the GOP�s policy prescriptions will cost hundreds
of thousands of jobs). In the end, they also handed Republicans
some $6 billion more than their opening bid. This doesn�t
augur well for the party�s ability to win the bigger fights
down the road.�
Berger�s story in the Times
said David Plouffe, Obama�s senior adviser and former campaign
manager, �sounded a conciliatory tone at points, arguing
that �what�s clear on deficit reduction, like anything in
Washington, if we�re going to make any progress together
- whether it�s in education reform, job creation, deficit
reduction - the parties are going to have to come together
to find common ground. And that�s what happened this week�.�
After what we saw last week that
was not at all reassuring.
Or, as BlackLiberalBoomerToday.com
put it: �And I�m left wondering exactly what will be the
next episode in this budget battle that we supposedly won?
How much �better� will it get for the Democrats next time?
Because somehow, when I hear both Reid and the President
talking about how this is the �biggest spending cut in history�
like this is something to be proud of? Seriously? Are you
effin� kiddin� me?�
BlackCommentator.com Editorial Board member
Carl Bloice is a writer in San Francisco, a member of the National Coordinating Committee of
the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism and formerly worked for
a healthcare union. Click here to contact Mr. Bloice. |