Noah thought
he had it bad. For 41 days and 41 nights, the Republican
Party rained down racial obscenity upon Black America, beginning
with Trent Lott's December 5 birthday greeting to Strom Thurmond
and climaxing on Martin Luther King's birthday, January 15,
when George Bush declared the University of Michigan law school's
affirmative action program unconstitutional. Bush capped off
the holiday weekend with a visit to a Black church, where he
tempted the congregation with faith-based favors. The Queen
of the show, Condoleezza Rice, blew kisses to the crowd - an
image that should be etched in memory, raising as it does the
most profound challenge to historical Black political behavior.
If we cannot
be moved to revulsion by brazen acts of treason, then we cannot
hope to exercise the power of a coherent political force. Condoleezza
Rice is the purest expression of the race traitor. No polite
description is possible.
As a people
historically excluded from high titles, Blacks have applauded
every African American "first" as a collective victory.
This was a logical and correct response to the solid wall of
white refusal to tolerate the presence of Black faces
in high places. In such circumstances - which still prevail
today in vast swaths of American society - individual advancement
actually does represent a kind of collective triumph.
The rule applies, even in areas of endeavor having little effect
on the lives of Black people, in general. Indeed, the more exclusively
white the enclave or activity, the greater the shared victory
once the color line is crossed.
White people
invented the rules of this game, and can end it at will. Beginning
in earnest less than a decade ago, and at the urging of Right
think-tankers bent on maintaining white domination, the
Republican Party adopted a strategy of selective, high profile
minority appointments. This approach allowed the GOP to continue
to cultivate its core racist base, while reassuring white "swing"
voters that they had not allied themselves with a racist party.
Of decidedly secondary importance was the possibility of finding
substantial support among Black voters. Significantly, the GOP
simultaneously downgraded efforts to elect Black Republicans
to Congress. For the party's narrow purposes, an appointive
Black strategy provided large propaganda payoffs at minimal
political cost.
His obedient
servant
During the
six weeks between the birthdays, Condoleezza Rice and, in a related
role, Armstrong Williams, demonstrated the destructive utility
of the Black appointed (or self-appointed) operative. Williams,
the multi-media propagandist and political consultant to the
entire Hard Right infrastructure, orchestrated a contrived confrontation-reconciliation
between Black Republicans and party leadership, thus providing
a theatrical catharsis to "heal" the wounds of the
Trent Lott affair. (See "Armstrong
Williams' Big Move, January 16.) For this service, Williams
will be amply rewarded as prime contractor for the GOP's Black
appointments and candidate bankrolling apparatus.
Rice's special
assignment, far removed from her training as a Sovietologist
and her National Security job description, was to deflect Black
anger when George Bush launched his long-planned assault on
affirmative action in higher education.
Rice was
more than willing, having logged 18 years service to the Bush
family. However, the crude racists of Bush's inner circle betrayed
Rice and Bush from the start. They had railed against "reverse
discrimination" their entire political lives, and were
incapable of finessing the issue or understanding the sensitive
nature of Rice's mission.
Contemptuous
of their own scripts, senior Bush men spun a tale to the Washington
Post ("Rice
Helped Shape Bush Decision on Admissions") that gave
the impression that Rice is even more hostile to affirmative
action than Bush.
"The
officials said Rice, in a series of lengthy one-on-one meetings
with Bush, drew on her experience as provost at Stanford University
to help convince him that favoring minorities was not an effective
way of improving diversity on college campuses," said the
January 17 piece.
This was bad spin for all concerned, an inept maneuver that
embarrassed the national security advisor and made Bush seem
soft and squishy on race, causing alarm among his base in the
White Man's Party.
Later the
same Friday, according to a Reuters report, Rice got permission
from the President to issue her own statement. In this version,
it was Rice who had positioned the President oh so delicately
between the opposing pulls of the Hard Right and Compassionate
Conservatism. She was a helpmate, not a harpy.
Rice's opinion
was that "race could play a role in college admissions,
endorsing a civil rights principle that President Bush has avoided,"
Reuters reported.
In fact,
the actual White House brief on the Michigan case did not rule
out any and all uses of race in college admissions; Bush's statement
to the nation on King's birthday had been crafted to make it
appear that he had taken a position of blanket opposition.
Now, by introducing Rice's clarification of her "own"
opinions, as if in juxtaposition to the President's, the fiction
of Rice's independence was allowed to take root - in the absence
of any evidence of real differences between the two.
Here's how
the Reuters story read:
"I
agree with the president's position, which emphasizes the
need for diversity and recognizes the continued legacy of
racial prejudice and the need to fight it,'' Rice said in
a written statement.
But, she
added: "I believe that while race-neutral means are preferable,
it is appropriate to use race as one factor among others in
achieving a diverse student body.''
White
House officials insisted that Rice was not at odds with Bush.
"I
could not be more supportive of what the president did. And
the way that he did it, the strong statement that he made
about the importance of educational diversity with racial
diversity as an element,'' Rice said earlier in the day.
Rice had
never been "at odds with Bush." Together, they had
corrected the initial spin from Bush's mean old boys, who had
made Rice appear like a Black anti-affirmative action dominatrix.
Instead, Bush appeared to be acting in harmony with an independent-minded
Black woman whose opinions he happened to share.
What is
most disturbing about this manufactured drama starring a hireling
and her boss is the institutional performance of the corporate
media which, acting on its own imperatives, succeeded in correcting
the initial White House spin blunder while elevating Rice to
a totally undeserved status.
Instead
of a national discussion on affirmative action, or the merits
of the case that is headed to the U.S. Supreme Court, attention
was focused on the opinions of a woman who represents no one
besides her patrons. Better the old days, back in the Forties,
when Joe Louis was asked to speak for Black America. At least
he fought his own battles in the boxing ring. Rice, the foreign
policy servant, was treated like an authentic Black leader -
a triumph of the GOP's Black appointive strategy, and a collective
insult to every African American.
Ralph Neas,
president of the liberal People For the American Way Foundation,
couldn't resist getting into the act, if only to boost the opinions
of another Black Bush appointee who represents no one
but himself. "It is very good news that Condoleezza Rice
agrees with Colin Powell's long-standing belief that it is appropriate
to use race as one factor among others in achieving a diverse
student body,'' Neas said.
Neas undoubtedly
meant well, but he did Black people no favor. Then again, his
remarks were certainly echoed in Black barbershops and beauty
parlors throughout the nation, over the long King weekend. Republican
Black appointive politics, bearing no relation to democracy
or Black self-determination, has achieved a status in much of
the public mind equal to the real politics of elections.
As confirmation,
the affirmative action opinions of both Rice and Powell were
elicited on NBC's "Meet the Press" and CBS's "Face
the Nation," respectively, Sunday morning. Rice said that
Bush "has come out in exactly the right place." Powell
repeated his support for the University of Michigan's affirmative
action program. Headlines filled the news cycle.
Virtually
all of Black elected and institutional leadership as well as
every Democratic presidential contender except the shifty Senator
Joe Lieberman support the Michigan program. Yet Sunday belonged
to the two, politely dueling appointees. As an operative fact,
the corporate press conspires with the White House to present
appointed Blacks as an alternative - more newsworthy - leadership
of Black America. It matters little that Powell's views on affirmative
action happen to be closer to those of Black elected leaders
and activists with proven constituencies. Powell was not chosen
by Blacks, but by Bush. His opinion counts for no more than
that of Condoleezza Rice.
No place
sacred
The old,
reflexive Black applause for members of the race who are chosen
for high office, now works against us with a vengeance. The
GOP understands the game and, with the enthusiastic connivance
of corporate media, plays it with increasing skill. Authentic
Black opinion, sensibilities and leadership are relentlessly
devalued, even at the First Baptist Church of Glenarden, Maryland
on the day set aside for remembrance of Dr. Martin Luther King.
The Associated
Press recorded the surprise presidential visit:
Though
warmly greeted, Bush's applause paled in comparison to the
cheers that followed Rice's introduction. She smiled and blew
kisses to the crowd from her seat behind Bush.
Authentic
Black leadership has done little to impress upon the people
that Rice is the devil's handmaiden, an eager accomplice in
Bush's crimes. It is one thing to bear insults with dignity.
It is quite another to cheer about it.
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