Issue
Number 14 - October 17, 2002
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"Make
sure that you're not organizing solely to collect dues," says Henry
Nicholas, President of the National Union of Hospital and Health Care
Employees (NUHHCE) and an International Vice President of AFSCME, the
giant public employees union. Nicholas, 65, has led NUHHCE since 1981,
when it was known simply as Local 1199 AFL-CIO.
1199 set a modern-day
standard for militant advocacy for social justice, within and beyond
the union movement. NUHHCE and AFSCME currently represent 375,000 health
care employees. Nicholas works ceaselessly to gather the nation's health
care workers under one, big union umbrella. He spoke to
from his Philadelphia offices.
:
Thirty-something years ago, during the Nixon era, many labor and civil
rights activists believed we were on the verge of winning a Guaranteed
National Minimum Income, something approaching European-style social
democracy. What happened?
Nicholas:
What happened to all of the social programs when the nation moved to
the right? Our elected officials got amnesia and started buckling at
the knees. And as a result, no real, new social policies have been implemented,
including national health care insurance that is needed now more than
ever.
They got amnesia,
meaning they forgot what they should be advocating for. They got weak-kneed
and started to foot-shuffling and knee-bending and all the things you
start to do when you lack the courage to stand up for justice.
:
Does that go for Black members of Congress, too?
Nicholas:
Our members are for the most part without the basic knowledge of the
goings on of the political infrastructure in which they are supposed
to be advocating for our rights. They're not involved in articulating
and drafting legislation. It is not where their interests lie. They're
talking about how to survive from day to day.
:
The South is the least organized, yet highest job growth, region of
the nation. What are labor's prospects?
Nicholas:
There's very little labor history in the South because the boll weevil
Democrats and the boll weevil Republicans actually articulate the agenda
for America. Jesse Jackson Jr., in his book "A More Perfect Union,"
articulates the burden that we have in moving social policy in America,
because those who have opposed social policy from the beginning are
in charge, they politically dominate this country - those southern elected
officials.
They've got laws
that stop workers from organizing that are the worst laws in the universe.
Bill Clinton couldn't change that, because he was the President with
a Republican House and Senate. To change it, you've got to say that
you are pro-workers' liberation, and they were not that. Even some of
the Democrats, especially the southern Democrats, are to the right of
the Republicans.
:
What kinds of resources are necessary to organize in the South?
Nicholas:
The labor movement, in my opinion should be less concerned about the
money they've invested in the stock market, and what the returns on
that money are or should be. They should invest those dollars in organizing
the unorganized. I'm not encouraged because all of us, as an institution
need to be doing more and more. I'm out on the battlefield 17 hours
a day, seven days a week, running from state to state like Paul Revere,
bringing a message of organizing. And every labor leader in America
should have that as his first and second and final concern: empowering
the workers, building a more perfect union.
:
Both AFSCME and the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) are
attempting to unionize low wage, largely immigrant workers in the service
sector.
Nicholas:
They are the apartheid workers of our generation in the Americas. The
problem is, some unions see that as not being in the interest of their
leadership protection. And so they're not anxious to spend millions
of dollars to help those people who are stuck at the bottom. They have
not articulated that to the membership, as they are now. You've got
to recognize that we have not changed social policy in the real sense
since the beginning of time. Racism is still a major issue in the Americas.
So, if you're spending my money and I'm a professional, high-falutin'
worker
There are a lot of workers that don't want to spend their
money helping them. The same as it is when you talk about needing
to raise taxes to advance social programs, the normal feeling is that
I don't want to pay taxes to help them. It's that same debate
when you talk about immigrant workers.
Hispanics are just
one of the groups. In California, we're talking about ethnic groups
that speak seven different languages.
:
For years, SEIU and AFSCME engaged in cutthroat competition to represent
home health care workers in California. Now the two unions work hand
in glove.
Nicholas:
Those who articulate the agenda recognize that it is not about them,
it is about empowering the workers. And when they put justice above
safety and justice above pride, then they do and behave appropriately.
That is what is evidently happening with SEIU and our union in dealing
with the more than 200,000 home health care workers in that state. The
leadership changed, and the people who are involved have a social conscience,
and if you have a social conscience, that will be your guide.
We got lucky in
California. We had a good, opportunistic, fair-minded governor in California
[Gray Davis] that gave us legislation and the power to grow. It doesn't
just happen in the abstract. You've got to be driving that agenda.
Our union is leading
the organizing efforts of the national [AFSCME]. But the kinds of resources
that are needed are not being expended, to get the job done. The number
one need for the American labor movement is to empower the suffering
masses. And we have not been an aggressive voice by putting our dollars
where our desires are.
:
Nicholas is disappointed with the progress of the Living Wage Movement,
the national effort to join community, clergy and labor activists in
common struggle toward specific goals, such as higher minimum wages
and organizing poor workers.
Nicholas:
There ain't no such thing as a Living Wage Movement. It doesn't exist.
When do you see a preacher on a picket line? The people who are given
the responsibility for carrying out the moral agenda for America are
the churches and organized labor. And in most cases they are ducking
for cover, hiding from reality, not assuming their rightful roles. And
that role is to be upfront, leading.
Ken Msemaji's voice
is the correct voice that is not heard on Sunday. [Msemaji is President
of the United Domestic Workers of America, the San Diego-based, AFSCME-affiliated
home health care union.] The churches are not inviting him, saying,
"Come on down and let's talk about that, you've got a good idea."
Even though they know he's right.
We are not even
a voice in the minority of the union movement. We are a voice in the
wilderness, crying out for social justice. Ain't nobody going to advance
Henry Nicholas and Ken Msemaji's ideology. They're happy that we're
all in the same union together, so we won't infect people outside of
our own niche.
:
What about the young union leadership coming up?
Nicholas:
Hell, they're coming up but they're not empowered. That's just like
coming out and having no place to go. You have to be in charge to have
an impact on an institutional policy. You can't have that from the outside.
:
Give us your assessment of the state of the social contract in America.
Nicholas: Hell,
there has not been a social contract for the poor people in this country.
The social contract was written by those who have not changed since
the 1800s, and they believe that a social contract in America is not
to spend $40,000 per student for education but, instead, to spend that
kind of money to build more and bigger jails.
The evidence is,
when Bush and his crowd, Rumsfeld and Ashcroft shut down social advocacy
in America, America was silent on it. And when Bush said you're either
with me or against me, no one stood up and said, What do you mean by
that? Does that mean you are impeding the social justice that we have
achieved thus far?
:
The Bush administration has been making a big show of preparations
to cope with the effects of biological and chemical attacks against
the U.S. Have they asked for any input from the health care unions?
Nicholas:
They ain't talking to nobody in labor. My union represents the largest
work force in America, AFSCME is the largest union within the AFL-CIO.
And they ain't talking to [AFSCME President Gerald W.] McEntee, because
they say that we're on the other side and that we had our chance when
Clinton was in, and now it's their chance, and they're not concerned
about what we want.
You gotta understand
- you can't have bread and bullets. You can't be spending $1.8
billion a month looking for bin Laden when you need to raise your polling
numbers, and talk about social programs. We have 44 million people out
of health care [insurance] and that's growing every day. There has to
be money in the budget for dealing with even the small social programs.
When the war starts you'll die from either smallpox or all the other
diseases, or you'll spend the money looking for Saddam Hussein.
They haven't consulted
[AFL-CIO chief] John Sweeney either, and he's in charge of the whole
federation. And they're not going to contact him.
:
What role have the media played in the battle for social justice?
Nicholas:
They were part of the justification when Clarence Thomas and his group
[on the U.S. Supreme Court] stole the American dream, that is, the people's
right to elect their own representatives. The media didn't rise up and
talk about how awful it was. They said it's time to get in behind George
Bush and they got right behind him.
They don't deal
with the major issues confronting the Americas. We are the number one
jail-industrial-complex in the world, and the fastest growing part of
the society is not education, not health care, but jails. There are
not ongoing editorials about what we should do about our jail system.
We are finding that there are hundreds of people who have been serving
most of their adult lives in jail who are being let go because the jail
system failed them. Justice in this system is not blind.
:
How has the political climate changed since September 11?
Nicholas:
First of all, they've been laying off millions of workers since 9-11.
They changed the
legal structure that permitted the government of the United State to
lock people up and hold them without charging them. We were all asleep,
the press and all, and said nothing about it. So, if you have a picket
line, all they have to do is plant a provocateur and create a situation
and lock everybody up and say you were part of a terrorist organization
and keep you there until we take over all of the oil in the Middle East.
There are 44 million
people without health care. There are millions of people in jail. Almost
900,000 Black men between 19 and 39 are in jail and there are no outcries.
Some of the most bright and articulate minds in our movement are in
jail. The government imposed a drug culture on our communities. Noriega
worked for Bush. Bin Laden worked for Bush [Sr.] when he was at the
CIA and when he was President. Saddam was one of the Bush's CIA operatives.
They knew where bin Laden's money was because they used to put money
in his bank account. They knew about all those holes in the mountains
because they helped him build them. If they go after them, after
they played a major role in their agenda, they'll plant some heroin
on me in two minutes and lock me up.
When Bush said you're
either with us or against us, people ran like hell and avoided us like
we had the plague.
:
Nicholas says people are looking for terrorists in all the wrong places.
Nicholas:
In every state of the union there is a big militia out there. The church
hasn't condemned them. The labor movement has not condemned them. The
federal government has not condemned them. We have as many terrorists
among our rightists as they have in those countries where bin Laden
comes from. The guy who blew up the federal building in Oklahoma was
not from bin Laden's group. He was from our group. The kids that shot
up those high schools didn't train with bin Laden. They got their ideology
from us. No one will talk about the militia.
Here in Pennsylvania
we have one of the largest militias. Every Friday they get in the trucks
with the guns and go up in the mountains and get ready to make war.
Not making war on some foreign enemy. They're not volunteering, telling
Bush, I'll go take Saddam out. They want to come to North Philly and
take Nicholas out. Because they believe that what I got is theirs and
they want it back. Because the Americas don't belong to me, it belongs
to them. That's their position, it hasn't changed since they passed
the three-fifths compromise.
:
Nicholas on his own retirement:
Nicholas:
I've been doing this since 1961, non-stop, seven days a week, 17 hours
a day. I'll never stop. Too many people go to bed hungry every night.
I think its fair
to say that we've made some progress, that Black folks are the people
who are organizing into unions faster than any other ethnic group. But
our numbers are being diminished because too many of us are in prison
already. Our numbers are not growing any faster in the labor movement
than they are growing in the industrial-jail-complex, which is a crisis
in itself. No one wants to talk about that crisis.
:
Where should labor place its priorities?
Nicholas:
The first priority is jobs, the second is education, and health care.
Those are the number one issues. And then there has to be a moratorium
on the death penalty.
You have to keep
on organizing and hope that you have the resources to do that well.
And make sure that you're not organizing solely to collect dues. That
has to be part of the method that you bring to the workers of America.
We need to continue to educate and advocate for justice.