This article originally appeared in the Jamaica
Observer.
So Kofi Annan has at last discovered that 3 A's (Anglo-American-Australian)
attack on Iraq was illegal and against the basic premises of the United
Nations. Some of us knew it then, and said so. Some of us wondered why Annan
withdrew his UN inspectors from Iraq, giving the US carte-blanche to launch
its bombers against an innocent people.
But courage was in short supply those days, as it is now, and cowards abound
and proliferate. If the war on Iraq was a crime against humanity, what description
do we use for the decapitation of the Haitian democracy? The world
Press, those brave gladiators for justice and truth, speak about "hapless
Haiti" and the "hapless Haitians"; they hide their prejudice
and deceit behind euphemisms, behind circumlocution, obfuscations and outright
lies to conceal foul crimes. They say President Aristide fled “amid a popular
revolt” – of about 500 bandits in a population of eight million.
But the Haitians are "hapless." Our leaders, like the leaders
of the United States, France and Canada, the triad behind the criminal
enterprise in Haiti, are all full of hap: hatred, arrogance and prejudice.
While we, the hap-filled, are cleaning up and burying the few unfortunates
killed by Category Five hurricanes, hapless Haiti is burying, in mass
graves, thousands of the hapless killed by extremely heavy rain from
a storm whose winds affected Haiti only minimally. It is the second
time in less than a year that thousands of hapless Haitians are dying
because of rain.
History in Haiti has a habit of repeating itself. And history, in
Haiti, consists largely of the United States and its assaults on Haitian
freedom, all well meant, of course, and obviously intended to reduce
Haiti's Haplessness index to manageable levels.
Who do they think they are?
Haiti's history of haplessness began more than 200 years ago when
a Jamaican runaway slave called Bouckman lit the spark that fired the
Haitian revolution. Bouckman, despite being a giant of a man, a born
leader and probably a Muslim (think terrorist) did not survive to see
the fruits of the revolution. He was betrayed, captured and his head
stuck on a pike to discourage the others – perhaps a primitive attempt
at exorcising demonic ideas of freedom and liberty from the revolutionaries.
It didn't work. The Haitians went on to defeat the French colonial
forces, then defeated a British expeditionary force and then defeated
a French expeditionary army under Napoleon's brother-in-law, killing
some 60,000 Frenchmen in the process.
Before that, the Haitians had fought alongside the American revolutionaries
to help them throw the British out of the American colonies. Haitian
help was crucial in at least two battles in which British power was
broken - at Savannah, Georgia and at Yorktown.
In addition to all that, the Haitian revolution made another massive
contribution to the new American nation: in defeating France, the Haitians
exhausted the French treasury to the point where Napoleon had to sell
Louisiana to the US or risk losing it to the British. The Louisiana
Purchase doubled the size of the US.
So, if the Haitians contributed so much to American independence and
development, why is it that in their extremity of grief and suffering,
the United States treats the Haitians so meanly?
Originally, when the scale of the current disaster became known, the
United States, the richest country in the world, offered about US $60,000
for Haitian relief. Venezuela offered $1 million, Trinidad and Tobago
earmarked US$5 million while the European Union pledged US$1.8 million.
Somewhat abashed, the US raised its pledge to US$2 million. In the
US itself, where the damage has been far less severe, the federal government
alone is contributing more than $6 billion in hurricane relief.
Charity, of course, begins at home or perhaps, it is simply another
case of Haitian haplessness. But it must be said, however discreetly,
that the United States has had a great deal to do with the current
Haitian propensity to catastrophe, by destroying Haitian governments,
Haitian infrastructure economic and social, and by policies which have
reduced Haiti almost to a desert.
The United States and Britain refused to recognize Haiti after it
declared independence. The US made recognition conditional on the former
colonial power, France, recognizing Haiti's autonomy. At that time,
of course, the United States was busy titrating the humanity of blacks
and came to the conclusion that a black was 60% human and therefore
not entitled to all the rights of Man. And Liberty was as dangerous
then as socialism was in the twentieth century.
Oddly, the French, the Americans and the Haitians had all been inspired
by the Enlightenment and Tom Paine's codification of the Rights of
man. But only the Haitian revolution recognized all those rights. In
the US, blacks and women, for instance, had to wait more than a century
to reach the status guaranteed to Haitians. France and the US maintained
slavery more than 50 years after Haiti abolished it.
With the British and the US playing hardball on the recognition question,
France felt able to demand that the Haitians should pay cash for their
freedom. In Jamaica and other British colonies, the state paid the
slaveowners compensation. In Haiti the former slaves paid twice, in
blood and in treasure. When they had trouble paying back the French
the kindly American bankers came to Haiti's rescue. We will lend you
the money to pay off your debt, they said, and Haiti achieved another
first, becoming the first Third World debtor nation. That debt was
eventually paid off more than a century later – the last payment was
in 1947. In the meantime it had caused Haiti the most extreme distress,
wrecked her infrastructure and destroyed her independence. What the
metropolitan countries could not achieve by conquest, they achieved
by compound interest.
Early in the last century, the Americans became a little dissatisfied
with Haitian repayment of their debt, and that led to an immediate
increase in Haitian haplessness. The US invaded, changed their constitution,
took away their land, chopped down their trees to plant sisal, logwood,
coffee and pineapple and destroyed the agricultural base of the country.
After they left officially in 1935, however, the Americans bequeathed
Haiti an armed force which was corrupt, cruel, ungovernable and in
thrall to the US. It guaranteed that any Haitian President either obeyed
Washington or went into exile. In 1947, Dumarsais Estimé, said
to be a socialist, was deposed after a couple of years. That began
a period of dictatorship distinguished chiefly by American support
for the ruthless Francois Duvalier and his inane son, Jean-Claude 'Baby
Doc' Duvalier.
During the US occupation (1915 to 1935), the Haitians tried to throw
the occupiers out, only to be bombed and strafed in a eerie foretaste
of the
fascist bombing of Guernica during the Spanish civil war. Nobody made
much of the Haitian version, because, after all, what were they but
a bunch
of "Niggers speaking French" as they were described by
William Jennings Bryan, one of Colin Powell's predecessors as US Secretary
of State. The Haitian resistance leader, Charlemagne Peralte, was like
Bouckman, betrayed, murdered and his head exhibited to discourage the
others.
History repeats itself in Haiti, but never as farce.
Today, we watch as the United States leads its partners France and
Canada, in an adventure in Haiti which already resembles King Leopold's
so-called "humanitarian" incursion into the Congo over a
century ago. That enterprise, described by the King of the Belgians
as rather like "a Red Cross scheme" left between ten million
and twenty million Congolese dead or with their hands and feet chopped
off for misbehavior. Four of them went to university.
The American adventure in Haiti has not so far been identified by
anyone as an illegal enterprise. It would seem to be, on the face of
it, an illegal trespass into the affairs of another country, an illegal
complicity in the illegal removal of a duly elected head of state and
an illegal interference in the sovereign rights of Haitians – for a
start.
Mr Annan, who has now condemned the American adventure in Iraq, may
yet find time to condemn the one in Haiti, but probably not before
the US elections. He is the chief guardian, it is alleged, of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights.
In the meantime, however, it is clear that the intervention has had
some catastrophic consequences. The bandits let loose and sanctioned
by the Americans, French and Canadians, have destroyed the health,
educational and democratic systems of Haiti - such as they were. More
important for the latest disaster, they destroyed the Civil Defense
structure, the network which would have warned Haitians of impending
disaster and which would have at least attempted to rescue those worst
affected. It is likely that had this organization been in existence
instead of in hiding from the interim government's murderous heroes,
so many would not have died.
But it is also clear that the Americans, Canadians and French do not
believe that the Haitians are entitled to the same rights as other
human beings. Perhaps, using their renowned scientific expertise and
prowess, they have once again figured out what precise degree of humanity
is possessed by each Haitian, and perhaps by each Jamaican and Trinidadian
also.
That, of course, would explain why it is not necessary for anyone
to discover what really happened on February 29, when President Aristide
was posted to the Central African Republic as "cargo" in
a CIA plane which just happened to be on hand when the US Ambassador,
Mr Foley, decided to pay a call on the President before dawn one morning.
Perhaps it may explain why various Caribbean leaders are content to
watch the Haitians die without being able to organize to help themselves,
because of course, the Haitians are "hapless" and not 100%
human.
It may not have occurred to our leaders that in condemning the Haitians
to "haplessness", they are in fact, recognizing that the United States
has the right to legalize a new class of human being, one without
rights - like the thousands locked away in Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo and
a host
of secret dungeons around the world.
It may not have occurred to our leaders that in acquiescing to this
foul doctrine they are not only condemning Haitians to death but they
are condemning themselves and us. It may not have occurred to them
that in their acquiescence they are occupying the same moral ground
once inhabited by such as Pierre Laval, Vidkun Quisling, Pol Pot and
the Africans who sold their brothers into slavery .
But, as the West Indies cricket team has proved, in some cases, leaders
are expendable. When the Laras, the Pattersons and the Owen Arthurs
fail us, there may be others on whom we can depend to defend the hapless
and the wretched of the earth.
John Maxwell of the University of the West Indies (UWI) is a veteran
Jamaican journalist and author of How
to Make Our Own News: A Primer for Environmentalists and Journalists. Mr.
Maxwell can be reached at [email protected]
Copyright©2004 John Maxwell