The German press is still buzzing over
the recent jailing and subsequent release of a German ship’s captain
by Italian authorities following his rescue of 37 Sudanese refugees
in the Mediterranean. After locating their floundering rubber
raft near Malta, the captain of the Cap Anamur brought the ailing men
aboard, saving them from an anonymous death due to exposure, starvation,
or drowning. The captain then headed for Sicily and the more
favorable Italian immigration policy only to find the port closed to
him by Italian authorities. It was as if the 37 Sudanese men were hazardous
cargo. Helicopters and heavy warships were mustered against the Cap
Anamur as the refugees looked on in disbelief at the resources brought
to bear to block their road to a better life. One of the men
threatened to jump overboard before he would return to the life he
knew in the Sudan and others echoed the pledge. After a short
political standoff, the rescue ship was allowed to dock in Sicily where
the 37 refugees touched European soil and the captain of the Cap Anamur
was arrested by the Italian police for violating laws against human
trafficking. The Cap Anamur, a foundation-supported
vessel operated for the purpose of open sea rescue, now finds itself
at the center of a controversy that goes far beyond its altruistic
charter as issues of immigration policy, acts of humanity, and neocolonialism
collide.
Like many others from the continent of Africa, the rescued Sudanese
men risked their lives to escape the life threatening political and/or
economic conditions of their homes for the opportunities of Europe. They,
as countless others continue to do, set off on a dangerous journey
in a less than sea worthy craft on the chance that a calm sea would
usher them to a new future. Had it not been for the Cap Anamur,
the men would have likely succumbed to the fate of many others whose
names and stories we will never know, lost at the bottom of the Mediterranean
Sea. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees reported that
an estimated 2,400 people are known to have lost their lives over the
past few years in the hope of reaching European shores while acknowledging
that the true number of deaths may be much higher.
Many refugees make harrowing treks to the coasts of Morocco, Libya,
Tunisia, and Algeria to escape the harsh conditions of their homelands. Once
they have reached the Mediterranean, African refugees often are at
the mercy of smugglers with promises of passage to Europe. Many
refugees don’t have the money the smugglers demand and find themselves
stuck for years in the slums of cities along the African Mediterranean
coast before they can raise the cash they need for a perilous open
sea journey to an uncertain future in the slums of coastal cities in
Europe.
The individual stories of bravery and sacrifice among the Cap Anamur
37 cannot hide the reasons for their flight. In the Sudan, years
of a repressive military regime, no less violent than that of Slobodan
Milosevic, have left a country gutted by religious and ethnic warfare. Unlike
so-called Serbian aggression, the activities of the Sudanese ruling
powers went unchecked by the western world for years and continue today. Despite
visits and threats by Colin Powell and Kofi Annan, Sudanese military
leaders are waging a proxy war to solidify their control of the reportedly
oil rich Darfur region of western Sudan. While western powers were
willing to invest billions in executing a war in the Balkans, including
the commission of troops to end ethnic cleansing and brutality, those
powers did little to protect the Sudanese Christian population or now
its African Muslim population from comparable acts of brutality. It
is one more example of the neglect of human issues in Africa by the
West. The
list is too long to annotate. From numerous civil wars, Rwanda,
to the current AIDS epidemic, U.S. and European powers have been reluctant
to address issues of need in Africa. When they do, they offer
little more than subsidies to western farmers in the guise of food
aid, support of the banking system in the guise of loan forgiveness
programs, rhetoric, empty promises, and closed borders.
During the former age of colonialism, Africa was seen as full of resources
for the West, while the people of the continent, other than the best
and the brightest of course, were not. Africans today continue
to find themselves segregated in the world as well as within countries
in the Diaspora. It is a physical and cultural segregation that
allows those who control admittance into other more prosperous regions
to determine which African will make it and which will not. Those
who try to sneak in where they are not wanted are often ostracized,
jailed, and forcibly removed, if they are fortunate enough to arrive
successfully on western shores. Colonialism continues today in
the form of neocolonialism.
Kwame Nkrumah, the first President of the post-colonial African state
of Ghana noted that neocolonialism is ”the worst form of imperialism.
For those who practice it, it means power without responsibility and
for those who suffer from it, it means exploitation without redress.
In the days of old-fashioned colonialism,
the imperial power had at least to explain and justify at home the
actions it was taking abroad. In the colony those who served the ruling
imperial power could at least look to its protection against any violent
move by their opponents. With neo-colonialism neither is the case.”(Kwame
Nkrumah, Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism)
Neocolonialism seeks the same control afforded by the former system
of colonialism through new techniques. Where colonialism depended
on raw power to enforce laws made for the exclusive benefit of the
ruling elite, neocolonialism uses cultural and economic pressure to
achieve its ends while holding raw power in reserve, just in case.
De facto segregation, inequitable use of public resources, and predatory
economic practices lock former colonies and colonial communities in
a state of dependency complete with internal competition over the scraps
of resources left behind.
African Americans know colonialism and neocolonialism first hand. Colonialism
is based on the concept of a stable pool of resources to be taken advantage
of at the whim of the resource holder. Those resources include
the labor of the people within a colonial region determined by the
powers that be. The colonized people themselves are to ask for
nothing and to be happy with the mere association with the colonizing
power. The colonizing force is free to invest in the colony when
and if it wants, usually only to the advantage of further efforts of
colonization and control. The second civil war in the U.S. commonly
known as the Civil Rights Movement was in fact a war against the particular
home grown colonialism practiced in the U.S. where skin color and family
lineage were the colonial borders for millions of people following
the institutionalization of racism. Just as with the Sudan following
its independence from British rule, millions of African descendants
in the U.S. faced political and economic oppression years after gaining
the rights of citizenship.
The connections between Africans on the continent and those in the
Americas and Europe are readily apparent from a neocolonial perspective. All
continue to deal with an insidious tribal and/or color consciousness
constructed to make class delineation easy to see and invisible at
the same time. For many in the West, darker skinned folks with African
features should be in a lower class by birth, allowing everyone else
lives in a society free of class-consciousness. In Africa, tribal
differences used by colonial forces in a divide and conquer approach
still plague
political cooperation within many nations.
People of African decent are told the importance of cultural assimilation
with a society that marginalizes them at best and openly despises them
at worst. Frequently, the messengers are African descendants
acting as agents of the social order. Mr. Cosby’s recent comments
aimed at poor blacks are nothing new in the global story of neocolonialism. Africans
are expected to turn, magically, limited resources into success because
the opportunity to do so exists. Opportunity proven by the logically
questionable argument, “If one of you could make it, all of you could.” Africans
in the Diaspora and in large measure on the continent too are expected
to forgo a sense of political and economic community among African
descendants to cling to the values of individualism and conspicuous
consumption so important for the maintenance of the “new world order”. Africans
worldwide are to value the approval of the culture in power beyond
all others, including their own, to prove that they can be trusted
before they can enjoy the trappings of success. Entrance into
the culture of power, like the countries of power, is “by invitation
only.”
The story of the 37 Sudanese refugees on the Cap Anamur is similar
to the many stories of Haitian refugees seeking a better life in the
U.S. Haitians today are being detained on Coast Guard ships
and detention centers indefinitely all because they made the choice
to risk their lives for the chance of a better future in a country
whose policies are largely responsible for the certain life of poverty
they face in Haiti. If
the Cap Anamur had sailed into Libyan waters and returned the 37 Sudanese
refugees to their point of embarkation, this chapter of modern colonialism
would be largely unknown. Thankfully, the captain’s decision
to face down the Italian gunships until the embarrassment caused by
the standoff was too much for the Italian government to bear let us
all see how current European, and by extension, western immigration
policy is “old colonial wine in new neocolonial bottles.” Though
it granted the Sudanese refugees the right to disembark, the Italian
government, as expected, promptly
denied the uninvited men the right of asylum.
James Culver, Jr. is a freelance writer living in Germany. He
can be reached at [email protected]
COPYRIGHT © 2004 James Culver, Jr. |