The sham of GOP Black voter outreach is over and the true Republican
mission has begun: suppress the African American vote, by any means
possible. To that end, the Bush men have enlisted the mercenary services
of Black front groups invented by rightwing foundations in the Nineties
to push for school vouchers and other elements of the Republican agenda.
These bought-and-paid-for servants of the Hard Right took to the airwaves
in August calling themselves People
of Color United and spending
a rich white Republican
man’s money to attack Democratic presidential
nominee John Kerry as “rich, white and wishy-washy.”
Virginia Walden-Ford, the operative who placed the attack ads on Black-oriented
radio stations in the “battlefield” states of Pennsylvania, Missouri,
Michigan, Ohio and Wisconsin, is for all practical purposes a paid
agent of the Bradley Foundation of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. She is a founding
board member of the Black Alliance for Educational Options
(BAEO), the pro-school vouchers group conceived, birthed and jump-started
with
at least $2 million in 1999 by the far-right Bradley and Walton Family
Foundations (Wal-Mart). Since George Bush assumed office, BAEO and
a host of its vouchers/privatization siblings – each the incestuous
spawn of the Right’s foundation funding network – have collected over
$77 million
dollars in grants from Secretary Rod Paige’s Education
Department. In effect, Virginia Walden-Ford’s BAEO – which received
$1.3 million in federal funds – has been “graduated” to a Bush administration
functionary, while continuing to be subsidized by the Walton family,
Bradley, and other far-right moneybags. These Black attack dogs are
well fed.
Wallowing in the same sty
Walden-Ford’s personal fiefdom, DC Parents for School Choice, which
shares a phone line with BAEO, receives money directly from the Bradley
Foundation – $125,000 in 1999-2001, according to journalist Barbara
Miner. Writing in Shepherd
Express in Milwaukee – an attack ad
target city – Miner reported that Walden-Ford admitted also sharing
Washington office space with Alan Keyes, the loony, perennial Black
Republican candidate for office currently running against Barack Obama
for U.S. Senator from Illinois. Unleashed, Walden-Ford is rabid. Miner
writes:
As part of last year's debate over a federal voucher
plan for Washington, D.C., her DC Parents group ran an ad comparing
Sen. Edward Kennedy
(D-Mass.) to Bull Connor, who set dogs against civil rights protesters.
Another ad compared Sen. Mary Landrieu (D-La.) to arch-segregationist
George Wallace.
Walden-Ford’s previous boss, Robert L. Woodson, Sr., founder of
the Washington-based National Center for Neighborhood Enterprise
(NCNE),
served as an advisor to Republican House Speaker Newt
Gingrich in 1996. Woodson’s NCNE has received
millions of dollars from rightwing
foundations over the years,
including Bradley. This year,
the Bush men gave NCNE a half million dollar Compassion
Fund grant to identify and develop faith-based organizations to bring
into the administration’s orbit. The Bradley Foundation invented
the faith-based concept for the Republicans, as a strategy to bribe
Black preachers
into switching parties. Walden-Ford and her mentor, Woodson, are
both deeply embedded in the Bradley-Bush matrix. As we said, this
is an
incestuous bunch.
The massive foundation – and now federal – funding to a tiny gaggle
of Black hustlers, and the tens of millions now being distributed to
the Black clergy through faith-based initiatives, is intended to create
an alternative, conservative Black leadership, or the illusion of one.
It is a project in which the corporate media eagerly collaborate. However,
the political triumph of this subsidized, corporate-selected, phony
Black leadership cabal is predicated on Republican rule. Therefore,
their immediate assignment: suppress the Black vote.
The Walden-Ford ads, which mimicked President Bush’s charge at
the July National Urban League convention, that the Democrats take
African
Americans “for granted,” are the “reverse of what the Democrats
try to do,” said Washington Post political writer Thomas B. Edsall
in the August 16 radio edition of the Tavis
Smiley Show. “The
Democrats try to build turnout. These ads try to suppress turnout.
It’s an effort
to keep the Black vote down on the assumption that Blacks vote
Democratic.”
Stephanie Tubbs Jones, the Black Democratic Congresswoman from Cleveland
and co-chair of the Democratic National Committee, declared:
“The reason they’re running these ads…is that Bush has no record
with regard to African Americans he can run on, so what he’s
going to do is go to the negative side. They are denigrating
to African Americans,
to think that African Americans would be stirred by an ad such
as this to suppress the Black vote. The ads are paid for by white,
rich Republicans.”
In an interview with Knight
Ridder newspapers, Bradley-Bush
operative Virginia Walden-Ford tried to frame the ads in positive
terms. “I
wanted people to think about the accomplishments of the administration
and how it affects black people's lives," she said. But
the ads said nothing about the Bush administration or its policies – because
there is nothing appealing to say. They were designed purely
to discourage Blacks from voting.
Thus the farce – that Republicans were serious about garnering
15 to 25
percent of the Black vote – came to an ignominious
end, in August. Back in January, Republican National Committee
Chairman
Ed Gillespie swore that increasing the GOP share of the Black
vote was “a top, top priority.” Yet before the most intense campaign
media activity had even begun, the Republicans set their Black
attack dogs
loose with ads that blamed Kerry’s absence from the Senate floor
during a vote in May for the failure to extend unemployment insurance
benefits – despite
the fact that it was Republicans who opposed the extension. "Maybe
Kerry thought the more of us who are unemployed and hurting – the
more likely we would vote Democratic!" said the ad – as
dishonest and cynical an example of campaign poison as has ever
been broadcast on
Black-oriented radio. The ad wasn’t pro-Republican, it was anti-Black
voting. The “alternative,” conservative Black political leadership
so expensively cultivated by the GOP and its affiliated foundations
has one purpose: to neutralize African Americans as a political
force.
And no wonder. There is simply no match between the broad Black
political consensus and Bushite Republican ideology and practice.
As Harvard
social demographer Dr. Michael C. Dawson has observed, Blacks “could
all look like liberal Democrats compared to the rest of them
[whites], but among each other, some Blacks look like Mondale
Democrats, some
of them look like Clinton Democrats, and some of them look like
Swedish Social Democrats – more of them look like that." (See
Analysis, November 21, 2002.) Bush-type Republicans do
not
exist in statistically
significant numbers in Black America, despite Armstrong Williams’ high
profile in the corporate media and Clarence Thomas’ odious presence
on the Supreme Court. Bush will certainly get more Black votes
than he deserves, based on actual commonality of opinion – somewhere
around the 8 percent he got in 2000. But the inferential data
are more dismal
for the Republicans than in any election since 1964.
Black voters fired up
A July CBS/BET poll of Black voters revealed
the Grand Canyon that separates African American opinion and
that of
whites – and the ocean that roils between Bush and the Black
electorate. Only 3 percent of Blacks are “enthusiastic” about
the Bush regime; 11 percent are “satisfied.” Just 11 percent
believe the Bush presidency is legitimate, having won the 2000
election fairly. (Only 32 percent
of whites think Bush is an illegitimate President.) A mere
8 percent of African Americans say the Iraq war was “worth
the cost.” Significantly,
only one in ten Blacks think vouchers are the best solution
to school problems.
The worst news for Republicans: 83 percent of Black
registered voters told pollsters that they would “definitely” vote
in November, up from 71 percent in 2000, when Blacks turned out in
record numbers in many areas. GOP leadership is determined to blunt
this fierce energy at all costs.
The Wild Card
There is a great anger among African Americans,
which can be invoked with the mention of a single word: Florida.
However, there is also a wild card out there, a joker that
Black America has
never before had to confront: the electoral effects of faith-based
bribery of Black preachers. (See “Defunding
the Right Rev. Dr. Greedygut,” January
2, 2003.) Tens of millions of dollars have been doled
out by faith-based offices in most federal departments: Health
and Human
Services, Housing and Urban Development, Labor, Justice, Education,
Agriculture, the Agency for International Development. In June,
the faith-based political grab bag was extended to
the Veterans
Administration, the Small Business Administration and the Department
of Commerce.
Thousands of Black clergy – heavily weighted with Pentecostals
who, before the political money became available, largely eschewed
temporal, electoral affairs – have applied for these grants and contracts.
Are they capable of mobilizing large congregations for Bush, against
the better judgement – the Black consensus – among church membership?
The great anomaly in the CBS/BET poll is Black antipathy to gay marriage.
According to the CBS/BET poll: “More than half (53%) of African
American voters think there should be no legal recognition of same-sex
relationships. Among voters overall, 39% share this view.”
This is Bush’s only opening for a “legitimate” inroad on Black public
policy opinion. As reported in our November, 2002 Analysis of the
Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies survey of African American
opinion, self-described Black Christian “conservatives” in fact vote
overwhelmingly “liberal” – that is, Democratic. Will the huge influx
of Bush faith-based money sway the congregations? We shall see.
Crimes against citizenship
We estimate that the GOP and its associated troglodyte
affiliates spent about $7 million on Black media – mostly radio – in
the 2002 non-presidential elections. 2004 will be a billion dollar
spending spree. We can expect Republican circles to significantly
increase their budgets for Black media this time around – and that
virtually all of it will go to negative, attack ads, much of it fronted
by their Black surrogates, largely drawn from the phony school vouchers
movement. They will masquerade as “new” organizations such as Virginia
Walden-Ford’s People of Color United – but it’s the same corrupt
crowd of Black mercenaries, working for the Bradley Foundation, Wal-Mart
and Bush.
Meanwhile, the more familiar, down-and-dirty forms of Black
voter suppression will run rampant – that’s why African Americans
are so determined to vote, so that we can make up for the theft
that
is certain
to be committed. MoveOn.org has joined Jesse
Jackson and
other Black leaders to demand that the Republican National Committee "disavow
all forms of voter suppression, including voter intimidation,
misinformation, purges of voter roles that disenfranchise qualified
voters, the threat
to discount provisional ballots, and other actions that undermine
the rights of qualified Americans to vote." According to
a paper issued by the NAACP and People for the American
Way, The Long Shadow
of Jim Crow:
This summer, Michigan
state Rep. John Pappageorge (R-Troy) was quoted in the Detroit Free Press as
saying, "If we do not suppress the Detroit vote, we're going
to have a tough time in this election."
Expect no quarter
It is foolish and ahistorical to speak of the possibility
of tactical alliances between Blacks and the GOP. One cannot
forge an alliance with the man who has you in his cross-hairs.
After the
1964 presidential election, in which Republican Barry Goldwater
appealed direcly to the white Democrats of the South, the GOP
began to consciously
morph itself into the White Man’s Party in Dixie. Like the
Dixie Democrats, the Republicans fashioned campaigns that
essentially ran against Black
people. It became the Dixiecrat party, and has
structured every national campaign strategy around its race-based
stronghold in the southern states. Minus that secure base,
the GOP would cease to be a national
party – just as the Democrats would cease to be a viable
national party without overwhelming Black support. This is
the gridlock that
history has bequeathed us, which cannot be changed between
now and November 2, or any time in the forseeable future
in the absence of
the most intense and consciously transformative work by Black
activists and progressive allies within and outside the Democratic
Party.
In that sense, nothing has changed since 1865.
Except back then, the pro-slavery party (Democrats) didn’t have
a pack of Black folks in suits suppressing the freedmens’ determination
to vote for Radical Republicans.
|