Only 12 years elapsed between the glorious
military victory over the Confederate Slave States in 1865 and
the definitive defeat
of Reconstruction in 1877. In many important respects, the Reconstruction
period was even briefer than that. By 1870, when the last of the
southern states ratified the 15th Amendment to the Constitution,
Tennessee had already rejected biracial democracy and installed
an all-white “Redeemer” government. “Redemption” then swept through
Georgia, North Carolina and Virginia.
For the next six years, much of the South experienced
El Salvador-like levels of political violence, including the
1873 massacre of as
many as 300 Blacks in Colfax, Louisiana – just one episode in the
successful campaign to “Redeem” that state for white supremacy.
Although the last Black congressman was not run out of the South
until 1900 (Rep. George Henry White, Wilmington, North Carolina),
Reconstruction was politically crushed with the 1877 Democrat-Republican
agreement to withdraw federal troops from South Carolina, Florida
and Louisiana. The Hayes-Tilden Compromise signaled that white
southern “Redemption” from the threat of full Black citizenship
rights was all but complete. This mutual understanding among the
great majority of whites – North, South, East and West – would
remain intact for nearly a century. In the warped religiosity of
the white southern sense of the word, America as a nation was “Redeemed.” A
suffocating peace would reign among white men.
With the death of Reconstruction, the great American leap into
social modernity was aborted. What followed was not only a descent
into Jim Crow hell for Black folks, but the arrested development
of the United States as a civilized society. For the next 60 years,
American politics was dominated by a national corporate oligarchy
and a one-party apartheid political order in the South, armed with
congressional veto power over federal social legislation. For three
generations, until the Great Depression of the 1930s made the conversation
unavoidable, American rulers more or less successfully suppressed
the mere discussion of a social contract between capital
and labor and among citizens. How could it have been otherwise,
since white America had rejected the equality clause of Reconstruction’s
proposed contract with Black America?
The social legislation of the New Deal and
the post-World War II GI Bill – tame by European standards – was received by most
white Americans as a gift of white privilege, a helping hand for
the “good people” as opposed to the undeserving – chiefly, but
not exclusively, Negroes. The U.S. became a global superpower without
the bulk of its population having ever wrestled with the broader
meaning of the Rights of Man in an industrial world. In
the Fifties and Sixties this fundamentally stunted society was
beset by alien intrusions – the necessity to interact with and
impress a wider world and, most importantly, agitation by the Black “others.” Kicking
and screaming (and warring and lynching), the white body politic
was forced to reconsider its previous verdict on Black citizenship
rights.
The debate over the Black condition
in America of necessity led to a reexamination of the nature
of U.S. society in general – just
as Reconstruction in the South had briefly introduced the notion
of public intervention in education and social development. In
addition to strictly “civil rights” measures, the Sixties produced
a flurry of social legislation (entitlements) that reinforced the
New Deal rudiments of a truly national social contract. The U.S.
seemed poised to achieve Western European levels of civilization.
“Redemptionists” despaired when Barry Goldwater’s 1964 GOP/Dixiecrat
counterattack flamed out in a landslide defeat. But only four years
later, in 1968, the Republicans’ “Southern Strategy” put Richard
Nixon in the White House. In the wake of Dr. Martin Luther King’s
murder, Black Americans either demobilized or, in the case of the
most militant elements, were crushed by the state. The heirs to
Black leadership all but abandoned mass political action – aside
from electioneering. For the newly upwardly mobile segment of Blacks,
profit-taking became the order of the day. Their anthem, courtesy
of songwriters McFadden and Whitehead: “Ain’t
No Stoppin’ Us Now – We’re on the Move!”
However, true white “Redeemers” never accepted the tenuous new
order, and distrusted Richard Nixon as an appeaser of dark, anti-American
forces at home and abroad. Their hero was California Governor Ronald
Reagan (1967 – 1975), a Goldwaterite who opposed the Voting Rights
Act (“bad legislation…that infringed on the rights of citizens”),
affirmative action (“reverse discrimination”) and the entire menu
of War on Poverty programs.
Unable to pry incumbent Gerald Ford from the
Republican nomination in 1976, Reagan’s handlers led Goldwater’s resurgent forces to
a pure “Redeemer” victory in 1980, coached by none other than the
young Mississippi Congressman Trent Lott. As Time Magazine’s Jack
White wrote in his December, 2002 article, “Lott,
Reagan and Republican Racism,” Lott “was among
those who urged Reagan to deliver his first major campaign speech
in Philadelphia, Mississippi, where three civil rights workers
were murdered in one of the 1960s' ugliest cases of racist violence.” Lest
anyone mistake the “Redemptionist” nature of his campaign, Reagan
proudly waved his Dixiecrat credentials: "I
believe in states' rights and I believe in people doing as much
as they can for themselves at the community level and at the private
level."
Every white voter in the South – and most in the North, East and
West – knew what he meant. Black folks understood the language,
too, but nonetheless remained largely immobile outside the electoral
arena.
”The gravy-train years of the 1970s, the golden age of the post-civil
rights era, led black Americans into a false sense of security
and did not prepare them for the Republican Risorgimento of the
1980s,” writes Norman Kelly, in “The Head Negro In Charge Syndrome:
The Dead End of Black Politics” (2004, Nation Books):
As during the Reconstruction years, the modern
period of progressive victories was intense but tragically
brief. Legislatively speaking,
most of the action occurred from 1964 to 1968 under President
Lyndon Johnson (although non-True “Redeemer” Nixon acquiesced
in a number of broadly progressive initiatives).
Having won as many “rights” as they actually
wanted, but uninterested in fundamentally altering power relationships
in America, those
African Americans who perceived Jim Crow as the only problem
disbanded the “movement,” leaving poorer Blacks to their own
devices. The pursuit of individual wealth is not a mass activity,
although the aggrandizers never hesitate to invoke the plight
of the Black masses when it is to their advantage.
What the demobilized Black leadership failed
to understand is that the “Redeemers” never quit; they continue
to demonize and campaign against Black people even when African Americans
represent no threat to their rule. Such was the case in the
Deep South in the more than half-century in which the Black vote
was virtually nonexistent. No matter. Racist demagogues kept
their lock on power by relentlessly railing against helpless,
unarmed, economically dependent, despised Blacks. It’s still
a winning formula.
A quarter century later, the Reaganite momentum shows no signs
of having exhausted itself. As journalist Joe
Davidson puts it:
The Philadelphia Inquirer’s Acel
Moore phrases it succinctly in his piece, “Left Out of
Morning in America.” Reagan, said Moore, “presided and helped create an age in
which too many people felt free to express their bigotry. Ignorance
had a holiday.”
George Bush is ignorance personified. But he knows his people.
The first and second Reconstructions were
too short to disconnect white America from its founding, racist
vision of Manifest Destiny.
As a consequence, the United States is fundamentally disconnected
from the modern world – to the world’s peril, and our own.
Persons not enthralled at the pageantry of
Reagan’s sendoff
wonder, what is this national display really about?
It is white Americans deeply engaged in the
rituals of self-worship – a
heresy and abomination that usually portends great violence in
the fires of “Redemption.”