In
the United States, where hundreds of Black people fall victim to
police brutality each year, very few police officers are ever
prosecuted or convicted for the violence they inflict on the
communities and individuals they are supposed to protect.
While
growing calls for defunding, abolishment and total reformation of
police continue to fall on deaf ears, in an attempt to ease tensions,
authorities sometimes agree to pay millions of dollars in settlements
to the families of victims, or make superficial changes to the way
security forces conduct their business.
The
most recent example of this practice is the $12m settlement the city
of Louisville, Kentucky agreed to pay to the family of Breonna
Taylor, a Black woman shot dead by police in a botched raid on her
apartment in March. Louisville Mayor Greg Fischer said the settlement
will be accompanied by several policing reforms, such as requiring
police commanders to approve search warrants before a judicial
approval, drug testing for officers and allowing social workers to
assist the police.
None
of the three officers that took part in the raid that led to Taylor’s
death have been indicted directly for her killing. One of the
officers, Brett Hankison, was indicted not for Taylor’s death,
but for “wanton endangerment” – endangering the
lives of her three neighbours, including a pregnant woman and a
child, when he fired ten rounds in Taylor’s apartment. The
prosecutor, Kentucky Attorney General Daniel Cameron, said the
officers were justified in using force against Taylor and protecting
themselves. “Republicans will never turn a blind eye to unjust
acts, but neither will we accept an all-out assault on western
civilisation,” Cameron, who is Black, said recently at the
Republican National Convention as a “proud Republican and
supporter of President Donald J Trump.”
Providing
monetary compensation to the victims of police violence is
undoubtedly necessary. As is the sacking and criminal prosecution of
offending officers. And the minor reforms Louisville police agreed to
implement can be seen as a step in the right direction. However,
these practices – even if they one day become the norm in the
handling of cases of police brutality – are akin to placing a
bandage on cancer.
Minor
policy tweaks, well-meaning, but superficial, reforms, and generous
monetary compensation for victims cannot sufficiently reform a system
that has its roots in white supremacy and allow communities of colour
to live in peace in America.
The
first police forces in the US were “slave patrols” formed
to surveil Black people and contain Black resistance. These patrols
monitored plantations, stopped Black travellers and demanded they
produce a permission pass from their “master”, used
violence to prevent insurrections and escapes and generally
terrorised communities of colour. White men in the South were
deputised to serve on these patrols, making the subjugation of
Africans and maintenance of white supremacy a community
endeavour, motivated by fear and the need to maintain the
racial and economic status quo.
During
the period of Jim Crow segregation, police and the Ku Klux Klan
worked together to terrorise and commit acts of racial violence
against African Americans. They not only worked tirelessly and in
unison to uphold racist laws and traditions, they also frequently
maimed and lynched civil rights activists.
And
even today, after the Department of Homeland Security has deemed
white supremacists the greatest domestic terror threat to the nation,
the line between law enforcement and white supremacy is still
worryingly blurry.
The
successors of “slave patrols” are still protective and
supportive of white militias and hate groups and they demonstrated
these tendencies during this year’s Black Lives Matter
protests.
At
a protest in Kenosha, Wisconsin, Kyle Rittenhouse, a 17-year-old
armed Blue Lives Matter vigilante, received words of appreciation and
bottled water from police before shooting three protesters with his
AR-15 style rifle, killing two.
As
the Brennan Center noted in an August 2020 report, few police
agencies prohibit white supremacist affiliations, and few officers
face disciplinary action for publicly showing support for such
groups. Further, there is no federal strategy to identify white
supremacist officers. “The harms that armed law enforcement
officers affiliated with violent white supremacist and
anti-government militia groups can inflict on American society could
hardly be overstated,” the Brennan Center said, noting the
threat to people of colour, religious minorities, LGBTQ+ people and
anti-racist activists. “Any law enforcement officers
associating with these groups should be treated as a matter of urgent
concern.”
Some
police unions behave like gangs and employ the rhetoric of organised
crime syndicates, as they help white supremacist officers evade
accountability, resist responsibility and avoid being disciplined for
their misconduct.
For
example, in New York, a city and a police force that is majority
Black and brown, the police union leadership is predominantly white,
suburban and supportive of Donald Trump – a president who has
supported white nationalists, defended Kyle Rittenhouse and urged
police to employ brutal tactics against suspects in custody.
Pat
Lynch, the president of the Police Benevolent Association, has called
people of colour “animals” and “mutts”, and
has defended brutal officers – such as Daniel Pantaleo, who
choked Eric Garner to death in 2014 during an arrest. “Unlike
the Democrats, who are running in fear of the mob in the street,
President Trump has never apologised for standing up for law and
order,” Lynch said in a speech to the Republican National
Convention in August, endorsing Trump for re-election. “Unlike
the Democrats, who froze in the face of rioting and looting,
President Trump gives law enforcement the support and tools to put a
stop to it – period, end of story.” The Guardians
Association, a Black police union, said the Trump endorsement
“undermines every police officer’s ability to remain
neutral and nonpartisan in the eyes of the public”.
The
NYPD defended the use of military-style commemorative coins that call
the police precinct in the East Flatbush section of Brooklyn “Fort
Jah” – a reference to the Jamaican community that lives
in that neighbourhood.
Twitter
suspended the account of the Sergeants Benevolent
Association after the organisation published the arrest report
and personal information of Chiara de Blasio, daughter of New York
Mayor Bill de Blasio, after she was taken into custody for
protesting.
On
a national level, the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP), the largest
law enforcement group in the US, supported Trump in 2016, and
compiled a wish list for his first 100 days in office. That list
included such items as restricting government aid to sanctuary cities
and increasing deportations, reversing the federal ban on private
prisons and restrictions on police procurement of military equipment,
and disregarding Obama-era recommendations for police reform. The FOP
also supported a repeal of Obama’s Affordable Care Act, and a
reversal of liberalised US-Cuba relations “until such time as
the cop-killers harboured there are returned to the US”.
Accompanying
racism among police officers is a culture of misogyny, domestic
violence and child abuse. The officers who openly brutalise
protesters and Black people in police custody beat their spouses and
children behind closed doors at an astounding rate. Domestic violence
is an epidemic, affecting around 40 percent of law enforcement
families, at a rate 15 times greater than the general population.
These
inherent problems of policing will not disappear with
multimillion-dollar settlements or well-intentioned, yet paltry,
reforms that do not confront a system that is not broken, and is
operating as it was designed. The only solution to this culture of
police brutality is to create new institutions with new people and
different missions, community-based solutions upholding human dignity
and an entirely different approach to public safety.
This
commentary was originally published by Aljazeera.com
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