John
Kerry Haunted by the Youthful Admission of "Absolute
Horror"
There
are many indications that the United States is nowhere near
ready to repudiate imperial
arrogance, racism, and criminality so that it might join or
help create a real world community. One such indication is
the brazen chutzpah with which it has restored fascist thugs
to power in Haiti, standing by while U.S.-friendly henchmen
butcher supporters of a president that American military personnel
kidnapped “back to Africa” because he was too closely aligned
for American corporate tastes to the nation’s millions of desperately
impoverished citizens. If one of those citizens is to be believed,
and his eyewitness testimony (see the quote from “Johnny” above)
is richly consistent with a long record of U.S. military conduct
(see below), some U.S. Marines are posing for souvenir photographs
with murdered victims of Haiti’s new death squads.
Another
depressing sign is the United States’ failure to include Arab victims
in its ongoing presidential candidate "debate" over
the wisdom and morality of George W. Bush's illegal invasion
and occupation of Iraq. At the height of his anti-war campaign
for the Democratic nomination, Howard Dean said that "there are now almost 400 people
dead who wouldn't be dead if we hadn't gone to war" (New
York Times, November 4, 2003), ignoring careful investigations
showing that more than 7800 Iraqi civilian non-combatants died
during the invasion.
Another
among many warnings along the same discouraging lines is
the sad fact
that Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry can be put
on the defensive because of some minimally honest testimony
he gave to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee more than
thirty years ago. The candidate's political problem is that
he told some basic truth about what he called "the absolute
horror" of U.S. conduct in Vietnam after two tours of "duty" in
Southeast Asia. Kerry's "old words have come back to haunt
him," the New York Times reported two weeks ago,
as "conservative" supporters of "President" Bush "question
whether Mr. Kerry is 'a proud war hero or an angry antiwar
protester.'"
The
young Kerry's 1971 testimony noted that American military
personnel there
had "raped, cut off ears, cut off heads, taped wires from
portable telephones to human genitals and turned up the power,
cut off limbs, blown up bodies, randomly shot at civilians,
razed villages in a fashion reminiscent of Genghis Kahn, shot
cattle and dogs for fun, poisoned food stocks and generally
ravaged the countryside of South Vietnam." According to
the Times, Kerry's words "remain a special lightning
rod...especially" because he described military atrocities
in Vietnam as "'not isolated incidents but crimes committed
on a day-to-day basis with the full awareness of officers at
all levels of command.'" (Kerry's 1971 testimony, quoted
in Todd S. Purdum, "In '71 Antiwar Words, a Complex View
of Kerry," New York Times, February 28, 2004, A1)
A
Nation of Exceptional "Kindness and Good Will"
In
uttering these accurate words, Kerry violated two related
principles of dominant
US doctrine and culture. The first principle holds that the
real tragedy of the Vietnam War is all about the trauma it
inflicted on America, not Vietnam – a small peasant nation
that lost millions of lives to US invasion. Seen (or not seen)
through the filters of America's "mainstream" (really
corporate-state) news and entertainment culture, however, Vietnam's
difficulties are nothing compared to the pain that "pre-modern" state
inflicted on the world's most powerful nation by committing
the unpardonable "sin of self-defense," to use one
of Noam Chomsky's sardonic characterizations.
The
second principle is a timeworn United States dictum that
is "often," in
Chomsky words, "considered unnecessary to formulate because
its truth is taken to be so obvious." This narcissistic,
self-evident U.S. maxim holds that, in Chomsky apt paraphrase, "we
[the U.S] – or at least the circles who provide the leadership
and advise" the makers of US policy – "are good,
even noble. Hence our interventions are necessarily righteous
in intent, if occasionally clumsy in execution. In [former
US President (1912-1918) Woodrow] Wilson's own words, we have
'elevated ideals' and are dedicated to 'stability and righteousness,'
and it is only natural, then , as Wilson wrote in justifying
the conquest of the Philippines, that 'our interests must march
forward, altruists though we are.'" (Chomsky, Hegemony
or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance, 2003,
pp. 42-43).
Chomsky's
analysis provides useful context for understanding a speech
that George
W. Bush delivered last November to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. After
claiming that U.S. actions during the last three years had "shown
the noble aims and good heart of America," Bush told his
assembled business class compatriots that "the cause we
serve is right, because it is the cause of all mankind":
to "promote liberty around the world." "The advance of freedom," Bush II elaborated, is "the calling
of our country," which has always "put our power
at the service of principle" - unlike past empires, which
sought profit and advantage (George W. Bush, remarks at the
20th Anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy,
November 6, 2003).
In a
similar vein, Bush's "Mission Accomplished" speech
to U.S. troops on the USS Abraham Lincoln last May
claimed that "American values and America interests
lead in the same direction: ...human liberty." America
is unique, Bush the Second claimed, in the benevolence of
its global power. "When Iraqi civilians looked into
the faces of our servicemen and women," Bush claimed, "they
saw strength and kindness and goodwill" on the part
of armed forces that "achieve military objectives without
directing violence against civilians" and use force
only "as a last resort" ("President Bush Announces
Major Combat Operations in Iraq Have Ended," May
1, 2003). In these and other examples, Bush II's orations
are often monuments to the depth and degree of the "national
self-love" (to borrow a phrase from Frederick Engels)
that statesmen are capable of proclaiming.
The
Noble "Determination
to Kill Every Native in Sight": A Brief Chronology of
Direct U.S. Atrocities
One
of the many difficulties with the Wilson-Bush II way of seeing
the US role in the world
is the United States' long record of inflicting massive, elite-approved
military mayhem on noncombatants at home and abroad. Below,
I provide a partial and selective chronology of some of the
better-known U.S. atrocities. This record places the carnage
hinted at by the youthful Kerry in chilling historical context,
helping us grasp the full extent of the United States' exceptional
commitment to "kindness and goodwill" at home and
abroad.
In
reviewing these terrible episodes, it is important to remember
that the US
prefers whenever possible for atrocities to be carried out
quietly and impersonally – the US-imposed sanctions on Iraq
(which silently killed more than half million Iraqi children)
and the econoterrorist neoliberal mandates of the International
Monetary Fund and the World Bank, for example – or indirectly,
by non-American proxy forces like Pinochet's fascist butchers
of the Chilean left (1973), the Central American death squads
and contras of the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s, the mass-murderous
Suharto regime in Indonesia (1965-2001), the racist occupation
state in Israel, and the current gang of fascist thugs (whose
leader expresses admiration for Pinochet) the US has just recently
restored to client-state power in Haiti.
Indirect
and silent massacre is not always feasible, however, and
there is thus
a rich record of direct US engagement in the infliction of "absolute
horror" on enemies at “home” and abroad, accompanied by
a strong dose of racist rationalization. Here are some of
the highlights:
"The
Winning of the West": A Great Work of Civilization
By "The English-Speaking Race"
1776: Six thousand
US troops raze more than 20 Cherokee towns, "destroying
crops, inflicting serious casualties on noncombatants and sweeping
much of the population into Spanish Florida. Only the cessation
of about a third of the all Cherokee territory brings the annihilatory
campaign to a halt" (Churchill, On the Justice of Roosting
Chickens, p.44)
1800:
American troops destroy a slave revolt in Virginia, executing
Gabriel Prosser
and 35 accomplices as a deterrent example to blacks that might
seek freedom in the land of freedom. Already nearly two centuries
old, North-American black chattel slavery will continue for
six and half more decades, an ultra-racist social atrocity
that some might consider as bad as physical eradication and
which is followed by successive new regimes of anti-black racist
oppression – Jim Crow segregation/apartheid, sharecropping
and debt-peonage, urban ghettoization, mass incarceration,
etc. – that embody the largely unacknowledged legacy and un-repaired
burden of mass enslavement. Untold numbers of African-Americans
will be murdered by white masters and overseers for various “reasons,” ranging
from out-and-out rebellion to attempted escape, “disrespectful” behavior,
and perceived insufficient work productivity.
1822: Troops
hang 35 rebellious black slaves in South Carolina, leaving
the rotting
corpses on prolonged public display as a warning to other black
chattel who might contemplate extending the principles of the
Declaration of Independence to people of African ancestry.
1828-1840: U.S. Army
conducts a long and bloody forced removal of the Cherokee,
Choctaw, and Seminole nations to Oklahoma.
1831: Troops
hang 19 rebellious slaves in Virginia.
1850: US troops massacre
at least 75 Pomo Indians trapped on an island in the Russian
River area of California.
1863: US Army Colonel
Henry Sibley puts down a revolt of starving Santee Dakota Indians,
conducting a mass execution of 38 native leaders.
1864: U.S. territorial
military commander Colonel John Chivington oversees the quick
and brutal murder of as many as 200 Cheyenne and Arapaho Indians
at Sand Creek (Colorado). The Indians had been led to believe
they had been given sanctuary at Sand Creek. More than half
of the victims were women and children.
1868: Lieutenant
George Armstrong Custer's Seventh U.S. Cavalry conducts a dawn
assault on a noncombatant Cheyenne village camped along the
Washita River in Oklahoma. Custer orders and oversees the
slaughter of more than 100 Cheyenne, including women and children
and the killing of 875 ponies.
1876-1877: The U.S.
Army celebrates the 100th anniversary of American "freedom" and "goodwill" by
launching a "Centennial Campaign" to clear the Black
Hills of their original inhabitants. A winter campaign targeting
mostly defenseless villages shreds away 90 percent of Lakota
territory. Former Civil War hero and prolific Indian-killer
General Phillip Sheridan proclaims that US Indian policy is
one of "extermination," consistent with his pithy
1868 observation that "the only good Indian is a dead
Indian."
1890/1899: The U.S.
Seventh Cavalry massacres 350 unarmed Lakota - mainly women,
children, and old men – at Wounded Knee creek in South Dakota. "The
ostensible purpose," writes Churchill, "is to end
the 'insubordination' embodied in the Indians' practice of
the Ghost Dance. More likely, the troops [were] revenging
themselves for the fate of Custer fourteen years earlier" (Churchill, On
the Justice of Roosting Chickens, p.57) – when Lakota warriors
committed the "sin of self-defense" by decimating
Custer and his regiment at Little Bighorn. The Seventh Cavalry
killers received Medals of Honor in recognition of their courageous
actions.
This and other genocidal
anti-Indian atrocities that preceded it receive hearty approval
in future US President and Spanish-American War instigator/hero
Theodore Roosevelt's massive, four-volume 1899 study Winning
of the West – a white-supremacist paean to Anglo-America's
near- eradication of North America's original civilizations. "During
the past three centuries," Roosevelt opined, "the
spread of English-speaking people over the world's waste
spaces" (meaning spaces not occupied by "progressive" capitalist-developmental
Caucasians) was a great and welcome "feat of power," for
which the "English-speaking race" could justly feel
proud. No such "feat" of "race power" was
more laudable, however, than "the vast movement by which
this continent [North America] was conquered and peopled" – the "crowning
and greatest achievement of a series of mighty movements." The
Anglo-American pioneers conducted what Roosevelt called the
noble civilizing "work" of "overcoming the original
inhabitants" while at the same time "warding off
the assaults of the kindred [that is European-Caucasian] nations
that were bent on the same schemes." The North-American
settlers performed the most heroic "work" of all,
for they "confronted the most formidable savage foes ever
encountered by colonists of European stock." Destroying
the Indian "savages," Roosevelt claimed, was white
North America's third greatest work to date, exceeded only
by "the preservation of the Union itself and the emancipation
of the blacks" – this as African-Americans suffered under
terrorist Jim Crow regime in the former slave states and faced
countless indignities throughout the U.S (Theodore Roosevelt, The
Winning of the West, Volume I: From the Alleghenies to the
Mississippi, 1769-1776 [New York, 1899], pp. 1-22).
1889-1918:
3,224 Americans are lynched within the United States, mostly
in the South.
Seventy-eight percent of these atrocity victims are black.
In most cases the victims are hung or burned to death by mobs
of white vigilantes, commonly in front of thousands of gleeful
spectators. Many observes take pieces of the victim’s
body as souvenirs to memorialize the event. Photographs of
the murdered victims circulate as popular postcards throughout
the South, providing precedent for the imperialist pornographic
exercise observed by “Johnny” and noted at the
beginning of this article.
The Free-Fire Zoning
of Asia and the Disciplining of Haiti by "The Children
of the Anglo-Saxon Race"
1898-1905: The U.S.
Army, frequently led by "old Indian fighters," seizes
the Philippines from its prior colonial master (Spain) and
crushes a Filipino independence movement, killing as many as
600,000 natives of the newly US-acquired Philippine islands. Few
prisoners are taken and the Red Cross reports an extremely
high ratio of dead to wounded, indicating U.S. "determination
to kill every native in sight." Throughout the barbarian
U.S. "pacification" of the Philippines, American
forces refer to the Filipinos as "niggers," "barbarians," and "savages." America's
racist and Social-Darwinist President (1901-08) Theodore Roosevelt
vilifies resisting Filipinos as "Apaches." The phrase "gook" makes
its first appearance as a U.S. military term to describe angry
and frightened Asians who inhabit lands invaded by "freedom-loving" Americans.
Custer's legendary U.S. Seventh Cavalry arrives to help suppress "gook
Apaches" in 1905.
The
U.S. butchery receives indirect racist approval from leading
U.S. financial
authority and Wall Street journalist Charles A. Conant, who
anticipates certain aspects of J.A. Hobson and V.I. Lenin's
celebrated theories of imperialism (see Carl Parrini and Martin
Sklar, “New Thinking About the Market: Some American Economists
on Investment and the Theory of Surplus Capital,” Journal
of Economic History [September 1983], pp. 559-578) in an
essay titled "The Economic Basis of Imperialism." Beyond
his argument that surplus domestic capital in core industrial
states provides the taproot for modern U.S. and European imperialism,
Conant claims that the US is entering a path of global expansion "marked
out for them as children of the Anglo Saxon race." The
new movement towards overseas imperialism is "the result," Conant
argues, of "natural laws of economic and race development. The
great civilized people have today at their command the means
of developing the decadent nations of the world," who
require benevolent Anglo-Saxon intervention because they are
on the wrong side of the law of the "survival of the fittest" (Charles
A. Conant, The United States in the Orient, New York,
NY, 1900, p. 2)
1915-1934:
Haiti lives under the supreme authority of the U.S. Marine
Corps, which
dissolves that formerly sovereign country’s National
Assembly, restores practical slavery for much of the populace,
turns the economy over to U.S. corporations, and massacres
an untold number of Haitian peasants. During a “battle” at
Fort Reviere, the Marines kill 51 Haitians and do not suffer
a single casualty, helping U.S. Smedly D. Butler earn a Congressional
Medal of Honor. Reports of U.S. military abuse and atrocity
lead to an investigation by NAACP official James Weldon Johnson,
who finds the charge of extreme cruelty by the North-American
troops to be accurate (J. Damus, “Reparations,” National
Black Law Students’ Association). This imperial butchery
is encouraged by the rich and toxic racism of the supposedly
great moral-idealist Woodrow Wilson administration, one of
whose high diplomatic officials tells Wilson’s Secretary
of State Robert Lansing that “Negro blood” keeps
the Haitians “almost in a state of savagery and complete
ignorance.” Lansing agrees, claiming that “the
African race are devoid of any capacity for political organization” and “governance” and
marked by “a tendency to revert to savagery and to cast
aside the shackles of civilization which are irksome to their
physical nature” (quoted in Noam Chomsky, World Orders
Old and New (New York, 1996, p.44).
August
1945: the US drops atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki,
fully aware that
Japan was defeated and seeking surrender. These monumental
crimes are perpetrated to demonstrate unassailable U.S. power
to the world and especially to the Soviet Union in the post-WWII
era. The only nation-state to use nuclear WMD against concentrated
human populations, the U.S. murders 150,000 "Jap" civilians
to make a threatening statement to the Russians and other people
who might follow the Soviet example by developing their nations
and societies outside the American-based world capitalist system.
1950: In one small
incident in a broader war that killed perhaps 2 million Koreans,
members of the legendary U.S. Seventh Cavalry murder hundreds
of South Korean refugees – mostly women and children – at a
railroad trestle near the village of No Gun Ri. According
to the Pulitzer Prize-wining authors of a 2002 book recounting
this previously buried U.S. atrocity, "some refugees were
shot trying to climb back up the embankment to fetch food from
abandoned bags. Some were shot when, desperately thirsty,
they ventured outside for stream water." U.S. "mortarmen,
machine-gunners, and riflemen blasted away" at trapped
refugees "from their ragged holes on the dusty barren
hillside, in the Seventh Cavalry's first big encounter with
'gooks' in Korea."
When
they joined the Seventh, recruits were given a pamphlet telling
them that their
cavalry unit "firmly established their reputation as Indian
fighters at the battle of Washita." This pamphlet "did
not explain that the Seventh Cavalry, in the snowstorm at Washita,
had slaughtered more than one hundred Native Americans – mostly
unarmed old men, women, and children – who had been ordered
into the area by the U.S. Army itself." (Charles Hanley,
Sang-Hun Choe, and Martha Mendoza, The Bridge At No Gun
Ri: A Hidden Nightmare From the Korean War, N.Y., 2002,
pp. 17, 129-34).
May
to November 1967: As a small part of a broader U.S. invasion
and occupation that
killed millions of Vietnamese, an "elite" 45-man
unit of the U.S. Army 101st Airborne Division known
as "Tiger Force" conducts a murderous march through
Vietnam's central highlands. A detailed and courageous four-part
series published by The Toledo Blade in the fall of
2003 shows that "Tiger Force" killed an untold
number – certainly well into the hundreds – of farmers, villagers,
and prisoners. One medic interviewed by Blade reporters "said
he counted 120 unarmed villagers killed in one month." According
to left writer Mike Davis, who helped bring the Blade series
to national light, "Tiger Force atrocities began with
the torture and execution of prisoners in the field, then escalated
to the routine slaughter of unarmed farmers, elderly people,
even small children... Early on, Tiger Force began scalping
its victims (the scalps were dangled from the ends of M-16s)
and cutting off ears as souvenirs. One member – who would
later behead an infant – wore the ears as a ghoulish necklace...
A former Tiger Force sergeant told reporters that 'he killed
so many civilians he lost count.'" A Tiger Force private
remembers thinking that the killings were "wrong" but
recalls that they were considered an "acceptable practice" for
US military personnel in the central-highlands' many US-designated "free
fire zones," where (by a former Tiger Force Lieutenant's
account) "anything living...was subject to be eliminated." The
slaughter was sponsored and protected by senior officers (including
one who went by the name of "Ghost Rider" and named
his battalions "Barbarians," "Cutthroats" and
the like) and never resulted in prosecution of any of the perpetrators,
despite an extensive Pentagon investigation that was buried
by the White House in 1975.
Asked
why the Pentagon's post-atrocity investigation of Tiger Force
never went anywhere,
a leading senior office and massacre participant later recalls
being summoned to the Pentagon and told that "there's
wrongdoing there, and we know about it. But basically it's
not...in the best interest of this, that and the other to try
to pursue this." According to this officer, the investigation "was
a hot potato. See this was after My Lai [see below] and the
army certainly didn't want to go through the publicity thing." Former
Watergate perpetrator and chief White House counsel (under
Nixon) John Dean told the Blade that he was not surprised
the investigation was dropped since "the government doesn't
like ugly stories."
Neither
apparently does today's supposedly "left-leaning" mainstream
press, which refuses to pick up and meaningfully disseminate
the shocking Blade findings. The great "liberal" New
York Times prefers months later to prattle on page one
about the "controversial" nature of Kerry's 1971
testimony, leaving cutting-edge investigation into what really
happened in Vietnam to a relatively small paper in the "conservative" Midwest.
1968:
My Lai, the mother of all officially recognized modern U.S.
atrocities:
347 unarmed Vietnam civilians, including 12 babies, are slaughtered
in the hamlet at Song My by a company of the U.S. Army 23rd
("Americal") Division. While belated U.S. media
attention focuses in 1969 and 1970 on the company's deranged
commander (Lieutenant William Calley) and treats the incident
as an anomaly within the broader benevolent (if occasionally “clumsy”)
conduct of US policy, the massacre provides what Ward Churchill
calls "a lens through which to examine the de-facto rules
of engagement under which U.S. ground forces operated for nearly
7 years (1965-1972). "Known as the 'Dead Gook Rule' – that
is, if a corpse is Vietnamese it is counted as a slain 'enemy
combatant' on that basis alone – it points to a process of
unremitting massacre, both large-scale and small, of the civilian
population.... More than a score of such operations during
the course of the U.S. 'commitment,' and this is not even to
begin to count the toll taken by such routine measures as the
declaration of whole swaths of the country to be 'free-fire
zones,' in which anything that moved could be killed with impunity." (Churchill,
pp. 140-141). Colonel Oran Henderson (who shares the duty
of covering up the My Lai killings with an up-and-coming military
bureaucrat named Colin Powell), noted in 1971 that "every
unit of brigade size" that "served" in Vietnam "has
its My Lai hidden someplace" (Howard Zinn, The Twentieth
Century: A People's History, 1988, p.226).
1969:
Future US Senator (D-Nebraska) and current president of New
York City's New School
University Bob Kerry joins other Navy SEALS in the massacre
of a score of unarmed villagers, mainly women and children. He
later says it's "pretty close to being right" to
call this massacre "an atrocity."
"We
Annihilated That Target, Let's Move On:" Killing Innocent
Arabs, Africans, and Afghanis, 1987-2004
1986:
The U.S. bombs the Libyan cities of Tripoli and Benghazi,
killing hundreds,
including Libyan dictator Muamar al Quadaffi's infant daughter. There
is no evidence for the White House's claim that Libyan agents
had been involved in the earlier bombing of a German disco
in which seven U.S. military personnel were killed.
1988: The U.S.S.
Vincennes shoots down a clearly marked civilian Iranian
airliner over the Persian Gulf, killing 290 civilians and
possibly motivating Iran to become involved in the bombing
of Pan Am flight 103 over Scotland. The ship's captain, who
illegally crossed into Iran's territorial waters before shooting
the defenseless commercial plane, later receives a "combat
action ribbon" for this action. His "air warfare
coordinator" even receives the Navy's Commendation Medal
for "heroic actions" and "ability to maintain
poise and confidence under fire."
1991:
US forces kill as many as 250,000 Iraqis, including large
numbers of noncombatants
during "Operation Dessert Storm," ostensibly launched
to punish its longstanding dictator-client Saddam Hussein for
invading Kuwait, a neo-feudal U.S. oil protectorate – an action
Saddam had reason to think the U.S. approved. The U.S. military
mercilessly slaughtered more than 2000 Iraqi troops, many waving
surrender flags, who are moving defenselessly out of and away
from Kuwait on what became known as "the Highway of Death." Numerous
war crimes are committed by US forces (including the dropping
of cluster bombs in areas where civilians are present) in an
onslaught that is absurdly excessive relative to the force
required to drive Saddam out of Kuwait. The Jordanian Red Crescent
society counts 120,000 civilian casualties. The White House
initially encourages Iraqi Kurds and Shiites to rebel against
Saddam but then permits the Iraqi dictator it supposedly reviles
as a "butcher" to pitilessly slaughter his domestic
opposition.
1998:
The Bill Clinton White House orders the bombing of the only
pharmaceutical plant
in the deeply impoverished Sudan, killing thousands of bystanders
and an untold number of others. There is no evidence for White
House claims that the plant was manufacturing illegal weapons.
2001-2004:
Thousands of innocent Afghans and Iraqis are killed by U.S.
forces. Among
other things, these murders reflect racist superpower payback
for the jetliner attacks carried out on 9/11/01 by a small
number of predominantly Saudi-Arabian Islamic extremists against
innocent noncombatants at the World Trade Center and military
personnel at the Pentagon. Resisting majority global sentiment
insisting that the U.S. respect established global norms and
procedures for responding, U.S. authorities answer the 9/11
atrocities with proportionately far greater terrorism directed
at people who had nothing to do with any attacks on the United
States. During one of many incidents where the US "mistakenly" murders
innocent/noncombatant Iraqis in the spring of 2003, the Air
Force blows up 18 ordinary civilians in a house thought to
be sheltering Saddam Hussein. Left dead in the rubble is "Abdul
M's" "entire family," including his daughter
and his wife. "I dug them out," Abdul tells researchers
a Public Broadcasting system "Frontline" documentary
that appears in February 2004, "with my own bare hands. I
carried them out with my own bare hands. I buried them with
my own bare hands." "Emotionally," a U.S. officer
involved in this glorious, freedom-loving act of imperial butchery
notes, "it was, 'we annihilated that target, ok we did
that, let's move on."
Regarding
butchered Iraqi soldiers, the "Frontline" documentary tells
viewers that, "in the end, it was [Iraqi] street gangs
versus [American] soldiers": poorly equipped Iraqi troops,
including large numbers of teen conscripts, versus the most
powerful military force in world history. "Operation
Iraqi Freedom," it appears, was another "turkey shoot," to
use Dessert Storm veterans' common description of the first
George Bush's one-sided Iraqi "war," which ushered
in a US-imposed sanctions regime that killed more than half
a million Iraqi children, exacting a "price worth paying," in
the immortal words of Clinton's Secretary of State Madeline
Albright, who once claimed that that the United States "stands
taller and sees farther than other nations."
The
White House and Pentagon justifies its imperial orgy in Iraq
during 2003 with
falsely concocted arguments about imminent WMD threats to the
security of the United States – of increasing official prominence
as the WMD threat claims are disproved – and America's supposed
desire to export democracy to the Middle East. The American
imperial state seizes upon 9/11 as a glorious opportunity to
launch a permanent, open-ended "war on terrorism" and
unfurl a long-planned doctrine of pre-emptive war and unilateral
world domination that seeks among other things to tighten the
US grip on pivotal Persian Gulf and South Asian petroleum and
gas resources and demonstrated US capacity to rule the world
on the basis of preponderant military force. By “the latest
conservative estimate,” John Pilger notes, the bloody U.S.-British
invasion has killed “between 21,000 and 55,000,” causing the “death
every month of 1,000 children from cluster bombs” (John Pilger,
interview by the Australian Broadcasting System, March 11, ZNet).
Meanwhile
the U.S. can’t develop the capacity to include Arab victims in its election
arguments over “Operation Iraqi Freedom.” Dean makes the critical
oversight (including 8000 dead Iraqi noncombatants) mentioned
at the beginning of this article. In a pivotal anti-war address
he makes to the Council on Foreign Relations in June 2003,
the most outspokenly anti-war of the serious contenders renders
Iraqi victims invisible, except – maybe – insofar as their
suffering harms America's damaged "moral authority in
the world." Dean proclaims his desire to restore that
supposed "authority," which he identifies with president
Harry Truman (1945-52), who ordered the two most barbarian
acts in human history (the racist atom-bombings of Hiroshima
and Nagasaki) and who grossly exaggerated the "Soviet
threat" to launch a half-century campaign of hyper-militarization
and racially disparate global devastation called "the
Cold War."
Those Who
Fail to Acknowledge the Crimes of the Past...
Seen against, and
as part of, the vast historical canvass of U.S. racist-imperial
slaughter, the monumental US crimes in Southeast Asia that
John Kerry hinted at in his 1971 testimony are part of a larger
story that renders self-delusional many Americans' notion that
their nation-state is some sort of great exceptional moral
and ethical city on a global hill.
It
is especially important to appreciate the significance of
the vicious, often explicitly
genocidal "homeland" assaults on native-Americans,
which set foundational racist and national-narcissist patterns
for subsequent U.S. global butchery, disproportionately directed
at non-European people of color. The deletion of the real story
of the so-called "battle of Washita" from the official
Seventh Cavalry history given to the perpetrators of the No
Gun Ri massacre is no small detail. Denial about Washita and
Sand Creek (and so on) encouraged US savagery at Wounded Knee,
the denial of which encouraged US savagery in the Philippines,
the denial of which encouraged US savagery in Korea, the denial
of which encouraged US savagery in Vietnam, the denial of which
(and all before) has recently encouraged US savagery in Afghanistan
and Iraq. It's a vicious circle of recurrent violence, well
known to mental health practitioners who deal with countless
victims of domestic violence living in the dark shadows of
the imperial homeland's crippling, stunted, and itself-occupied
social and political order.
Power-mad
US forces deploying the latest genocidal war tools, some
suggestively
named after native tribes that white North American "pioneers" tried
to wipe off the face of the earth (ie, "Apache," "Blackhawk," and "Comanche" helicopters)
are walking in bloody footsteps that trace back across centuries,
oceans, forests and plains to the leveled villages, shattered
corpses, and stolen resources of those who Roosevelt acknowledged
as America's "original inhabitants." Racist
imperial carnage and its denial, like charity, begin at home. Those
who deny the crimes of the past are likely to repeat their
offenses in the future as long as they retain the means and
motive to do so.
It
is folly, however, for any nation to think that it can stand
above the judgments
of history, uniquely free of terrible consequences for what
Ward Churchill calls "imperial arrogance and criminality." Every
new U.S. murder of innocents abroad breeds untold numbers of
anti-imperial resistance fighters, ready to die and eager to
use the latest available technologies and techniques to kill
representatives – even just ordinary citizens – of what they
see as an American Predator state. This along with much else
will help precipitate an inevitable return of US power to the
grounds of earth and history.
As
that fall accelerates, the U.S. will face a fateful choice,
full of potentially grave
or liberating consequences for the fate of humanity and the
earth. It will accept its fall with relief and gratitude, asking
for forgiveness, and making true reparation at home and abroad,
consistent with an honest appraisal of what Churchill, himself
of native-American ancestry, calls "the realities of [its]
national history and the responsibilities that history has
bequeathed": goodbye American Exceptionalism and Woodrow
Wilson's guns. Or Americans and the world will face the likely
alternative of permanent imperial war and the construction
of an ever-more imposing U.S. fortress state, perpetuated by
Orwellian denial and savage intentional historical ignorance. This
savage barbarism of dialectically inseparable empire and inequality
will be defended in the last wagon-train instance by missiles
and bombs loaded with radioactive materials wrenched from lands
once freely roamed by an immeasurably more civilized people
than those who came to destroy.
Paul Street ([email protected]) writes
on imperialism, racism, and thought control. His book Empire
and Inequality: Writings on America and the World Since 9/11 (Paradigm
Publishers) will be released in the summer of 2004.