Slavery was banned from history, but while black people certainly
felt the falling of their chains, they also soon realized that they had
by no means achieved their collective goal of liberation.
Angela Davis, “Underexposed: Photography and Afro-American History,”
Century of Black Photographers, 1840-1960
[T]he
underlying cause of urban slums is that the residents are too poor to
pay for adequately maintained housing. Also many of the residents
display destructive behavior patterns that raise maintenance costs… The
real problem is that our housing standards keep rising and thesepeople don’t have the capacity to keep up with the standards.
Anthony Davis, responding to HUD’s homeownership problems
in the Chicago Tribune.
You
imagine the proverbial light bulb going on. Then imagine the voice
within: Money. And
then again: Money!
The
narrator has a house or not. Doesn’t matter, he sees a house,
multiple houses. The narrator has a job or not. Doesn’t matter,
for there are fewer lines drawn in red around certain neighborhoods.
And he’s in!
In an
instant, the narrator is a real estate broker, or an appraiser, or a
banker. In an instant, he’s showing houses and speaking
confidently about how easy it is for you to own your own home. In the
evening, he spends his evenings counting his gold coins near his
fireplace, much like George Eliot’s Silas Marner.
The
narrator doesn’t know anything about Janice Johnson or Johnnie
D. Brown or any of the single mothers his business depends on. But
what does it matter?
Lies
abound and omissions work miracles at the end of the day when
meddling inquires necessitates an explanation. And if default on the
mortgage comes around, followed by a foreclosure, no problem. It’s
all good for growth—the growth of the business. The success of
the company, bank, agency.
The
success of narrator assures the success of the narrative surrounding
the housing crisis in United States during the 1970s.
This
land is your land, this land is my land…
Our
fellow citizen, the narrator, the individual, becomes an army of
thousands, expanding the workforce at the Department of House and
Urban Development (HUD), the banking industry, the real estate
agencies, and the financial mortgage companies. He accumulates wealth
by whatever means necessary, no matter who harmed, who suffers. The
narrative’s mantra is, Profits First!
It’s
capitalism’s bottom line.
And you?
You haven’t anything in the end.
When I
left Chicago for California in 1977, after graduating from college,
the first in the family to do so, the sign posts were visible, the
writing clear, and beyond the doors had already closed. While no one
in my immediate family lived in public housing, my neighborhood in
the Washington Park area was beginning to show signs that the Richard
M. Daley administration’s reluctance to serve the community had
a hidden agenda. The steady play of burning down landlord-abandoned
buildings and the shutting down if not relocation of schools,
hospitals, local stores, and neighborhood businesses created desolate
areas where their were once working class neighborhoods. In due time,
the barren landscape was spotted by prospectors from the city. They
had a vision. The remaining human life on this land need not ask
about the future. Money was available for creating more cell space
for anticipated occupants.
Young
African American men of my generation began disappearing from the
local organizations, even from Operation Breadbasket. Fewer were in
high school, and even fewer were visible on college campuses. Most
had been drafted to serve in the Vietnam War. It was harder and
harder to find a Black Panther or a member of the Nation of Islam on
the corners, selling the The Black Panther or
The Final Call.
In 1972,
I was among a group of first-in-family-Africa American college
students, and by the last year, I was alone. I recall seeing one
black professor.
I
wasn’t a single mother, didn’t lived in public housing,
didn’t have a mortgage. But I, as with so many American
college
and post graduate citizens in the land of the free, will never forget
the years of threat to garnish merger pay checks from freelance
writing and part-time college teaching positions.
Across
the US, black women were already entangled in confrontation with the
government and forces determined to keep America great.
Janice
Johnson, a mother of an eight-year-old son, a welfare recipient, was
one such woman in 1970. She came to depend on the newly created HUD,
established to assist working class and low-income citizens achieve
the dream of owning their own home. Pressed into doing something to
confront the inhuman conditions African Americans faced in urban
settings, John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson hadn’t
considered history—American history—when they thought
that HUD and the banks and the real estate agencies would go out of
their way to assure that African American women received
non-discriminatory treatment in the securing of housing.
Indifference, cruelty, and exploitation wouldn’t come between
the single mother seeking to provide decent, humane living conditions
for her family.
It seems
simple enough to Kennedy and Johnson: decent housing for the most
vulnerable—except for black woman in the US.
Janice
Johnson and her eight-year old son finally vacated that building in
the Northeast Philadelphia area. It was already condemned and nearly
vacant, except, I suspect, for the presence of rats and roaches. She
trusted sellers and brokers. The idea of buying that house at 2043
West Stella Street seemed a good one. Certainly, it would be upward
progress. Yeah?
What
could go wrong?
Johnson
meets a man identifying himself as “Mr. Zade.” Not quite
the same “Mr. Zade” he might have been in the past, but
an upgrade. A 2.0 Mr. Zade—no longer a landlord but a real
estate broker now. A man who thinks big. Has a vision in which
America is for the free. America is great. Zade has a house in mind
for Johnson and her young boy. It’s a good house. And, of
course, the FHA has approved of the sale of this good house.
Johnson
signs the paperwork and waits. And waits. Finally, Zade. Oh, the
floors at 2043 have collapsed! However, however, there’s
another house at 2013 West Stella. Better! Much better!
Johnson
has an eviction notice from the condemned building’s landlord:
she and son must vacate, or else! So, yes. Zade points her in the
direction of Security Mortgage Services, a financial mortgage
company. They will help. In a short time, Johnson is approved.
Through HUD, the FHA will finance the house for a loan in the amount
of $5, 800.
So what
could go wrong?
It’s
not as if most of America had been living under a rock, as they say,
in those years after the passing of the Civil Rights Act. Richard M.
Nixon attempted to conceal the break in of Democratic Headquarters in
the Watergate building. He tried to play dumb about the missing
18-minutes of tape from his recording system. But Nixon didn’t
bother to conceal how he would treat African Americans. He had no
intentions of deviating from the narrative, the mega-narrative, that
America is First—and that doesn’t mean black people.
America is great and free—but not for black people no matter
what it says on that document LBJ signed. The sign posts would be
clearly marked.
We
live in a divided country and we do because so many Americans engage
the history of enslavement by viewing a movie. 12
Years A Slave. Harriet. A
couple of hours every other year or so. White Americans return to
their lives without further consideration of who they might be as a
result of decades of a practice of indifference and cruelty.
Who are
you as a result of the injustice of legalized segregation, lynchings?
Who are you as a result of redlining and the burning down of African
American homes and towns? Who are you as a result of the systemic
practice of discrimination, which maintained ghettos that, in turn,
stigmatized human beings who by no means desired to live among the
rats and roaches?
Keeanga-Yamahtta
Taylor, Assistant Professor of African American Studies at Princeton
University, in Race for Profit: How Banks and the Real Estate Industry Undermined Black Homeownership (Justice, Power, and Politics),
has uncovered the lies and omissions within that narrative of US
history as it relates to the housing crisis in the 1970s. What really
happened after the practice of redlining ended? Just how fair and
just were fellow American citizens to low-income African Americans
seeking to purchase their own homes? What really happened to African
American women, in particular, single mothers of small children with
no where to turn? Was there a difference between the official
narrative, compiled by the government and the banking and real estate
industries and the lived experiences of the African American women?
Four
decades later and the housing crisis is worse for the most vulnerable
African Americans, children. Forty plus years of uprooting the
parents of black children from inner city dwellings to deliberately
expensive rentals where agencies discriminate on the sly against
black citizens, forty years of low-income employment, of schools
fit-to-fail, of incarceration, of police shootings—and we’ve
arrived here where children are experiencing homelessness.
As Taylor
writes, racial segregation is maintained not just by policies and
illegal practices but “with violence and hatred prompted by the
racist views that Blacks kept property values down and were physical
markers of inferior status.”
History.
Tethered to the first civil rights bill in 1866, writes Taylor, is
this “right to purchase property to freedom and citizenship.”
It’s an American thing. Property equals freedom. True
citizenship. While in Europe, people live their entire lives in
apartments without a thought to owning land, in American, to be free
is to own land. Own a home.
The
right to property meant something different for a people who had once
been property. To own meant being a human being. African Americans
faced obstacles to the purchase of a home—until the 1970s.
Under the Nixon administration, new policies focused on existing
housing
options in still segregated neighborhoods.
Nixon has
his “silent majority.”
Announcing
his new policy, Nixon exclaimed: “We will not
seek to impose economic integration upon an existing local
jurisdiction; at the same time, we will not countenance any use of
economic measures as a subterfuge for racial discrimination…
This Administration will not attempt to impose federally assisted
housing upon any community.”
Existing
house will do! Keep them away from my base!
Even
Daley complained. How was he, a mayor, to be left along with the
economic responsibility of confronting the urban crisis—and
with the suburbs were in resistance mode?
Existing
housing often didn’t improve the quality of life for these
women and their children. And, if a black family moved into a white
neighborhood, often in the suburbs, well, we know that history. Black
homeowners were threatened and forced, eventually, to flee those
homes while others had their homes destroyed by fire at the hands of
fellow citizens determined to maintain their freedom and citizenship
within an all-white suburb.
Low-income
African American women were kept in deplorable conditions, one way or
the other. Taylor writes about the new policies that punished black
women from complaining. If a black woman complained about damages or
requested repairs, they were often received a summons to appear in
court where they were charged with violating housing codes and fined!
Of
course, for these women, often mothers, the fine meant, in the long
run, foreclosure. No money for repairs, no money for fines!
Taylor
points to the lack of ethics on the part of the banking and real
estate industries, an all those who jumped on the bandwagon to make a
killing, fast. The narrative that capitalism is best honors
scrupulous.
Nonetheless,
as Taylor writes, politicians and HUD officials spoke about
“counseling” for these “unskilled”
homeowners. Perhaps the teaching of housekeeping skills for “women
in subsidized housing on how to clean one’s home”!
I
remember the late 1950s and early 1960s when both my mother and her
sister, my aunt, cleaned house for whites on the northside of
Chicago. For a time, my aunt was part of the “housekeeping”
for Northwestern University.
Then came
the stigma of subsidy. “Subsidy” itself became a dirty
word, Taylor explains. The word become associated with black women
who were depicted as “unfit,” and unclean.
“Unsophisticated.” What is is called when policies have
favored a privileged race and class? What is is called when
corporations and banks are “bailed” out? What is is
called when wealthy white Americans receive huge tax breaks? What is
it when good schools in white neighborhoods receive funding and black
schools or de-funded or closed down?
Where’s
the shame in these practices of separate and unequal?
In the
1970s, the cruel stigmatizing of African American women opened the
door for studies on the pathos of the black community in America.
Maybe the problem with black families had to do with these
unsophisticated and unfit African American women. And of course, I
remember Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s report on the
horrors of the African American matriarchy, and, as a young black
woman, feeling the sting.
Taylor
quotes the African American Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm, whom I
had the good fortune to meet in the early 1980s in Chicago, spoke up
for black woman when she addressed the NAACP in Andover,
Massachusetts. Chisholm stated that “the FHA [is] marked by a
legacy of racism and profiteering in the administration of previous
housing programs and has knowingly tolerated the development of
federally financed slums, the perpetuation and acceleration of
segregated housing patterns and the gouging of the poor by
speculators, builders and bankers who all pocket federal dollars for
violating federal laws.”
But
if you think the banking and real estate industries were
“criminalized” as the African American women were
dehumanized, then you still think racism is post something, and white
supremacy only refers to individuals as opposed to a systemic
(structural) way of operating in order to maintain the unreality
of
a whites only America.
A few
politicians spoke out. Taylor mentions how Senator Walter Mondale
sounded like a “revolutionary” when testifying that urban
ghettos shared the characteristics of some countries during
colonialism. Mondale called it: exploitation in urban settings! And
he added that he knew the committee already knew the story. He wasn’t
voicing anything Congress didn’t know.
In
Illinois, Governor Charles Percy spoke about a “moral”
calling to provide fair housing in this country. “Cut out the
rot that is infesting our cities.”
Taylor is
clear: all of this nonsense about unskilled, unsophisticated black
women was intended to conceal the reality of all those “federal
officials signing off on criminally defective houses.”
It’s
the kind of criminality most Americans don’t want to hear or
read about. Best to stick with local news stations and small local
papers featuring the week’s news loop: police
are looking for a black man…
And
somethings
never change.
The
government wants to
sell Janice Johnson a house. She wants a home. She doesn’t want
her child on the street, homeless. While Johnson attempts to make the
house a home, she discovers, in days, she’s moved into a
disaster. A tragedy, really. As Taylor writes, “the sewer line
broke, spewing wastewater all over the basement floor. The
electricity for the house was sporadic and haphazard. There were
holes and other irregularities in the foundation of the house.”
Her dining room table fell through a rotting floor.
To add
insult to injury, Johnson discovers that all the windows were sealed
up, “nailed shut and inoperable.” A ghetto? A cell? A
coffin?
Then on
Halloween night, her son wakes up to find a rat in his bed. There
were rats, Johnson said, “all throughout her house.” And
let’s not forget, this is a house with FHA’s stamp of
approval!
This is
the America, as I heard someone say, for the brave.
Zade
sends repairmen, but the conditions of this house are beyond repairs.
Inhabitable. As inhabitable as the apartment Johnson fled. Her
appeals to the real estate agency didn’t reach someone with a
heart. This is fast-buck land. Writes Taylor, the broker “reminded
her that the problems in her house were now her own.”
Johnson’s
attempt to achieve the “American dream” began, as Taylor
notes, “the beginning of an American nightmare.”
...For
Janice Johnson. Otherwise, that American nightmare began in Africa,
on whatever fateful day Johnson’s ancestors were forced aboard
a ship, forced to abandon home and offspring. Some white Americans
had a dream. Of freedom.
A person
can’t ride your back, Dr. Martin L. King once said, unless it’s
bent.
It
was the African American women who brought about investigations of
the ranks and file of federal officials, bankers, financial mortgage
companies, real estate brokers, and appraisers. A group of black
women resisters filed suit in Seattle charging this gang of
profiteers with violating the 14th
Amendment,
among other things.
“Among
the most courageous of the women who went public was Johnnie D.
Brown,” Taylor writes. A mother of six, receiving AFDC, Brown
came down with an illness that hospitalized her for a week. To make
matters worse, her welfare check was late, forcing Brown to miss
paying the mortgage. Yet, she didn’t give up; she sent partial
payments for months.
Brown
was trusting. She believed she had caught up only to came face to
face with the free America.
Brown, writes Taylor, had been “charged a $625 legal fee.”
And then things changed—Brown refused to pay! Marching off to a
local attorney, she files a class-action lawsuit “on behalf of
her and hundreds of other homeowners.”
Marginalized,
stigmatized, low-income, nonetheless, these black women exerted their
power as a collective to effect change for the many brave black women
forced to confront the injustice and indifference from an America
free of their responsibility to others.
We don’t
need fictitious; we have history!
These
African American women asked questions. If your goal is to stand up,
speak up, be human, you asks questions.
How
is “fast foreclosures” of mortgages legal, let alone, an
example of justice? And what about the 14th
Amendment’s
equal protection cause? Were not “subsidized homeowners”
being “treated differently from other homeowners when rapid
foreclosure processes were initiated on their properties”?
HUD tried
to have the case dismissed, but their efforts failed.
As Taylor
explains, Brown’s lawsuit “would remove the financial
incentives for mortgage banks to remain engaged in the FHA market to
the extent they had been.”
End
of story—no, not quite. That was history. And
in Race for Profits, Keeanga
Yamahtta Taylor has done us well.
But the
struggle continues because the capitalists regroup. They always do.
And what
do we do with the 2020 elections coming our way?
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