Martin H�gglund’s This Life: Secular Faith and Spiritual Freedom
Because
most people spend little time analysing political events or
studying
history, democracy will always risks being shaped
by
voters’ feelings rather than analysis.
Los Angeles Times, 1938,
qtd. in Behold, America:
A History of America First and
the American Dream.
“...Put self at stake...”
This
is the phrase that caught my attention when I first heard about
Swedish philosopher Martin H�gglund’s new book, This
Life: Secular Faith and Spiritual Freedom. It’s
worth reading, I thought. Put self at stake.
The
righteous, as H�gglund describes the religious, with all
seriousness, look forward to eternity rather than be present at home
on Earth. This believe in a location in which time is no longer and
space is endless coincidentally happens to have more more wage
earners as adherents than those wealthy, young billionaires springing
up daily. These wage earners assume, as if inevitable, that humans
suffer life as punishment from a divine authority. A chosen few,
however, will be rewarded with a ticket to heaven. So life is
endured. Work is endured. Nothing more is to be expected until
judgment day.
If
the wage laborer has time to look up at the sky, she might see a jet
or two—private jets, owned by the 1%--flying overhead, to land
near by at a private air field. Or maybe the nurses note how the 1%
percent are never patients at the Cook County Hospital. Neither are
they observed enrolling their children at in a public school in
Detroit. The 1% percent vacation at Martha’s Vineyard or in the
South of France. And they don’t need to save their pennies or
pray for a divine entity to make it possible! And the wage earner
will have to work twice as hard, if not longer, for the next few
months after returning from Disney World.
The
wage laborer will have a thing or two to say about those immigrants,
those migrant workers from Guatemala (and don’t ask the
American worker to locate Guatemala on the map). They don’t
belong here! That’s all I know. They don’t belong! Build
a wall!
And
blacks, of course. Always—black Americans—are perceived
as threatening the very existence of white civilization!
We
are finite and we are dependent on others. The divine gives, takes
away, rewards, and punishes. And let no true believer acknowledge the
other as anything other than an enemy, threatening contamination
among the flock, with talk of freedom and equality. Western ordering
of humanity, as everyone knows, seats white males on the top rung of
the ladder. Animals below. The divine wants humanity’s
undivided attention focused on eternity—not life on this
planet.
It’s
no wonder a good portion of humanity’s religious live in fear
of divine retribution. To think of liberation from this fear would be
blasphemous.
“...Put the self at stake.”
The
religious ideal of salvation, writes H�gglund, is “incompatible
with a secular ideal of freedom.” Think about this, he asks,
when we consider wage laborers and the way in which this population
is coerced into being slaves for the better part of a day, for the
better part of our lives. All ideologies that are anti-life must give
way for the transformation of our individual and collective lives to
take place. Or else…
We
must “put the self at stake!
H�gglund
presents “a thought experiment” offered by sociologist
Phil Zuckerman. There are two children. Both are entrusted with
looking at an artwork in a room all by themselves. The first child is
told that the artwork is “deeply valuable” and “very
fragile.” It’s unique: the only one of its kind in the
world! It would be a tragedy if the artwork should be damaged. It
would be lost forever.
Do not touch!
However
dire the warning, there will be no punishment if something did happen
to the work and no reward if the work remains safe. Just be
careful—“it deserves to be respected in its fragility.”
Think of the people who would be saddened to see it damaged.
The
second child receives the same warning not to touch the artwork, only
she is told that the principal of the school will be watching her
from a hole in the ceiling. So beware! You are watched and
you’ll be punished! However, if the artwork isn’t touched
by you, then expect to be rewarded for obeying orders not to touch.
For
the first child, the artwork becomes something to care about.
Understanding its value, she is pleased to be responsible for its
safety and even wants to see to it that others are
permitted to see the artwork too. It’s the lesson of
responsibility to others that this child learns “on the basis
of her own freedom and sense of finitude,” writes H�gglund.
The valuable work would cease to be just as she will cease to be at
her death.
“This
is a secular model of morality” in contrast to the second child
who refrains “from touching the artwork because she fears
punishment and hopes for a reward.” The second child not in
control since the divine holds all the cards—so she believes.
It’s what she’s told. She, in turn, just plays along.
Nothing is at stake, except the lose of the divine narrative over and
above what might be recognized as valuable for the self and others.
The
religious model, H�gglund writes, guides the second child,
“where the child is taught responsibility on the basis of
coercion.” The boss says do it—so you’d
better!
Life
is what it is! Divine authority keeps score in heaven as do bosses
here on Earth. Retribution and reward become the norm. Nothing is
done because anyone cares. Nothing is done out of love. Freedom on
this planet isn’t an option. Wait for your eternity in heaven.
And justice? As H�gglund explains, both freedom and justice
“are at odds with the religious teachings of salvation as the
ultimate end.”
With
the first child, something is put at stake and that something is her
commitment to freedom and justice. To a cause. Or two.
Religion,
on the other hand, is the seeking of liberation from
finite life, whereas secular faith seeks “the liberation of
finite life.”
Where
do we go from here?
To
Karl Marx. We are at this juncture not just in this article but also
in our nation when faced with the threat of global heating, for
openers, and a rise in hateful race-based violence, we need to return
to the works of Marx and Dr. Martin L. King, as does H�gglund in
his turn toward the injustice and unfreedom of an ideology such as
capitalism.
H�gglund
writes that there’s no support in Marx’s thinking “for
any form of totalitarian state.” Let’s not think, then,
on the Soviet Union. We, on the contrary, must return to Marx and his
work. And try again. Marx is committed to freedom.
While
H�gglund is thorough in his analysis of Marx, taking the reader
through the alphabet of philosophers from Aristotle to Hegal, for the
purpose of this article, it’s enough to report that Marx is
alive and well in This Life. For
if nothing else, Marx, according to H�gglund is about “the
free development of individuals” and this crusade forms the
foundation of Marx’s critique of both capitalism and religion.
H�gglund’s
vision of a spiritual life requires a commitment on the part
of the individual to sustain her identity. However thoughtful the
policies regarding “equality,” we do not discriminate
against…, workers are nonetheless coerced into working for
the benefit of someone else who is profiting from a very unequal
system of production and labor. That someone isn’t concerned
about the pursuit of freedom for others (just self and the familial)
or adequate wages for laborers (again, self and the familial, thank
you!). It’s America! Home of liberty and justice and all those
“freedoms” other nations don’t appear (on Fox
News or MSNBC) to possess. The 1% rules this domain—not
quite heaven for the workers—but certainly for their
collective, an oligarchy in control of who receives what goods and
services. Or not!
“To value someone or something
is to put myself at stake in
what happens to what I value. By virtue of my commitment, I cannot be
indifferent but must be responsive to the fate of what I value.”
At the workplace, however, I’m not permitted to have an
identity in which I “put myself at stake”!
In most work places, indifference matters. The position is contingent
on my ability to be distant and indifferent. It’s not just a
question of how much I’m paid, regardless of whether or not I’m
a woman or a black American. The struggle should begin with
questioning whether or not I’m free at work. I should be free
to engage my secular faith in pursuit of spiritual freedom.
It
seems so odd, almost absurd to write such a sentence—I
should be free at work to engage my secular faith in pursuit of my
spiritual freedom. My life and
that of others in this domain aren’t valued; therefore, my
finite life and those of others is at risk. In this domain of
contradictions, I’m not free because coerced into being
indifferent as to the product I help produce, to sustain, in the long
run, inequality and my state of unfreedom.
Spiritual freedom is an
unconditional value—not some innate thing. “We should not
be defined once and for all by a given social role (family,
profession, religion, nationality, ethnicity, gender), writes
H�gglund. Rather, we should be
free to transform the normative conception of ourselves and “our
institutions should reflect that freedom,” H�gglund
argues. It’s sounds strange, but at one time, it was strange
for Americans to think of the Indigenous and the black American as
human!
For
H�gglund, Marx is “highly critical” of any form of
coerced labor. Marx, therefore, advocated emancipation, a liberation,
that is, not only freeing us from work, but also freeing us to work
“in light of the ends that matter to us.” Marx critique,
one of liberal democracy for its practice of hypocrisy rather than
freedom, is an immanent critique therefore
because it “locates a contradiction between
the avowed ideals of an institution or an ideology and the actual
practical form it legislates for itself.” From deep within the
narrative of work is the contradiction: it reports to practice
equality but, in fact, it relegates both the idea of freedom and
equality to the realm of the absurd, the ridiculous.
Only
the chosen few (very, very few) rise to the top of this
domain—similar to Christianity, writes H�gglund. If you
aren’t one of the blessed, accepting your possession of an
“immortal soul,” the object of “God’s love,”
then you are worthless. Coerced labor is
best for you!
The
commitment to freedom, Marx notes, is betrayed by “the social
organization and division of labor that is enforced by capitalism.”
Waged labor, therefore, contradicts our pursuit of freedom and, in
the process, warps our identity as human beings capable of living as
human beings. Waged labor is no more a necessity to “a free
society” than was slavery—except the latter was
acknowledged as a given by a divine authority to a select few to
oversee.
Everything
is at stake, writes H�gglund, “in how we lead our lives
individually and collectively” because “we are capable of
leading our lives,”
and doing so comes with risks and failures to pursue our freedom. But
everything is in the pursuit of freedom. That is life!
To
stay committed to individual freedom “as normative”
pursuit in life is not to simply say we are for equality. We must,
instead, ask the question—who determines for the majority who
should enjoy equality before the law and constitutional rights.”
Otherwise, we are as hypocritical as the institutions we claim to be
transforming.
What do I do with my time?
H�gglund:
“What belongs to me for as long as I live” is the time I
have in my finite life. “When I sell my labor time to someone
else for a wage, I am therefore necessarily selling my own
life. My time cannot be
separated from my life, and under capitalism my time is explicitly
recognized as valuable.”
I am free but free to labor for someone to profit from my time.
Where
is the spiritual freedom, asks H�gglund, when, in exchange for
my precious time, I receive a wage that can’t sustaining my
life, let alone allow me to pursue what matters to maintain my
identity? Consequently, H�gglund argues that for “democracy
to be true to its own concept of freedom and equality, capitalism
must therefore be overcome.” That I’m anxious about our
fate as human beings, I’m anxious about the fate of the planet
and all life, is being an individual who recognizes a role as
responsible citizen of the world. So my anxiety is reducible “to
a psychological condition that can or should be overcome.”
Overcome capitalism!
It’s a different
position—to stand outside of organized dogma and doctrines.
“The
principles of democratic socialism cannot simply be posited but must
be shown to be implicit in the Idea of freedom that is our historical
achievement,” writes H�gglund. Unlike the religious, “we
do not seek liberation from finite
life, but rather the salvation of finite
life.” Because we are finite, emancipation from the state is
necessary, writes H�gglund in order to call into being
democratic socialism. Capitalism isn’t a given. If we, however,
“measure our social wealth in terms of labor time, H�gglund
explains, then we should expect to chain development to “intensifying
exploitative methods for extracting relative surplus value from
workers.” As individuals we must
This
too can be overcome but it requires that we, as individuals educate
ourselves “as social individuals who democratically plan the
purposes of production.”
At
this juncture, humanity is just old enough to relinquish our fear of
losing what was never a given, never a suitable way in which to
confront the time that is ours to do what we must for self and
others.
Life
is finite.
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