Trump
Updates to the Midterms:
Earlier
this week, he disinvited the Super Bowl Champion Philadelphia Eagles
from a White House Celebration of their victory after a majority of
the players declined to attend the event. In their absence, Trump
used the occasion to further inflame racial tensions over his phony
allegations that their kneeling protests against police brutality
and institutional racism (although no Eagle players knelt last
season) were disrespectful of the national anthem, the troops, and
the American flag.
He
is strategically granting of pardons, and promises to issue others
to convicted felons, to gin up support from his thirty-five percent
base and other voting groups: the late heavyweight champion Jack
Johnson to distract African Americans from his racist views and
actions; Dinesh D’Souza to lock in his base and the hard
right; former Republican Vice President Dick Cheney’s aide,
Lewis Scooter Libby, to entice wealthy Republican donors to
jumpstart fundraising for himself and the Republican Party; and a
promise of a pardon to Martha Stewart to appeal to middle-class and
suburban white women and the pledge to commute the sentence of
former Illinois Gov. Rod Blagojevich, which is being supported by
former Obama Attorney General Eric Holder and the Senate’s
Democratic Minority Whip Dick Durbin as a way to appeal to
center-right Democrats.
In
the aftermath of Roseanne Barr’s racist tweet about former
Obama top aide, Valerie Jarrett, being a
“product of the Muslim Brotherhood and Planet
of the Apes,” Democrats lambasted her across the board for the
racism it conveyed. But they failed to offer the same condemnation
of Samantha Bee when she criticized President Trump’s
immigration policies by making vile remarks about his daughter,
Ivanka, by saying as “… one
mother to another, do something about your dad’s immigration
practices, you feckless cunt. These actions served to partially
negate the Roseanne comments and to further underscore and support
Trump’s presentation of himself as a victim.
The
‘Educators Spring’ of protest against the under-funding
of public education, teachers’ salaries, working conditions,
and benefits, and the growing expansion of publicly-funded voucher
and corporate charter schools is being overwhelmed by both Democrats
and Republicans alike when they have control of the U.S. presidency,
one or both Houses of Congress and state legislatures. Everywhere
teachers turn they are surrounded by so-called supporters (Democrats)
and real adversaries (Republicans), leaving them in a personal and
professional lurch.
For
example, the largest increase in voucher and charter schools occurred
under the Democratic Obama administration and not the previous
Republican presidencies. Therefore, teachers find themselves in a
difficult quandary. In addition, the Cartel of private-sector
education reformers has been funding a takeover of public education
since the 1950s. It has deployed federal, state, county, and city
elected officials, and grassroots groups to promote public school
privatization with accumulative success. The Cartel is everywhere
and has its tentacles deep into the Republican and Democratic
Parties.
One
of their strategies is to work their will through Democratic
governors. In New York, they have backed two-term Democratic Gov.
Andrew Cuomo (currently running for a third term) who has rapidly
boosted the number of corporate charter schools in the state’s
largest cities: Albany, Buffalo, Mt. Vernon, New York City,
Rochester, Syracuse, etc., targeting communities with large minority
student populations. Cuomo has been particularly helpful to the
Cartel in New York City where a large number of its members are
located. He has also mandated that public schools share their most
desirable space with corporate charters that operate under limited
accountability.
In
Wisconsin, the Cartel has worked through Republican and Democratic
governors, starting with Tommy Thompson (1986-2000), to establish the
first voucher program in the modern era in 1990. Since that time,
voucher and charter schools have grown more than a thousand fold and
are currently bankrupting the Milwaukee Public Schools (MPS)--the
state’s largest school district. It has suffered a nearly
fifty percent reduction in the size of its student population while
voucher and charter schools are devouring more than forty percent of
its budget.
Thousands
of teachers and education support personnel have been terminated
under Cartel appointed superintendent after superintendent, with the
most recent one departing a week ago shortly before a new deficit
budget had to be submitted. To facilitate the additional dismantling
of MPS, current Gov. Scott Walker is proposing that the district be
broken up into a series of smaller units. Nearly all of these new
school zones would be overseen by Milwaukee’s business titans
and Cartel allies through charter and/or voucher school management
companies, leaving one district to accommodate the remaining public
school students who were not selected by the aforementioned
companies, paralleling the New Orleans situation.
Participants
in the ‘Educators Spring’ of teacher advocacy are also
beset by the education violence of Education Secretary Betsy DeVos
who is attacking teachers’ performance and professionalism and
public schools as institutions. She has refused to enforce
discrimination statues in K-12 education. In recent weeks, the NAACP
has sued DeVos for dismissing civil rights complaints by blind
students encountering inaccessible textbooks, alleged sexual assaults
by female university students, girls’ basketball teams seeking
equal access to gymnasiums, students with disabilities, etc. Her
rationale is that many of these complaints
placed “an
unreasonable burden”
on her department.
But the unspoken
challenge that is rarely discussed is that the policymakers and would
be funders of public education have evidenced a lack of commitment to
deliver the necessary financial resources to a public school student
population that is increasingly minority in its makeup. In Alabama
and North Carolina, legislation has been developed to allow the
predominantly white areas of majority-minority school districts to
secede and create essentially white charter school districts, a
return to the pre-Brown period. Thus, teachers in the
‘Educators Spring’ can expect to be surrounded by their
frenemies as they fight for survival of public education and
themselves.
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