Commemorations
are always complicated. How someone or something is remembered is
never just about the facts but about how the legacy is related over
time, most especially by those in power.
As
April 4th approached, there unfolded ever broadening discussions
about the legacy of Martin Luther King, as one would expect. One of
the more important examples of this has been increased awareness of
Dr. King’s significance as a leader in the struggles for
economic justice, including but not limited to the Memphis sanitation
workers strike. The American Federation of State, County and
Municipal Employees along with the Church of God and Christ joined
together to host commemorative activities in Memphis and to encourage
on-going social justice activism.
Despite
this, and the platitudes offered regarding King’s significance,
it is easy to forget the level of controversy that surrounded King,
particularly in the last two years of his life. King was not, for
instance, the indisputable leader of the Black Freedom Movement.
There were many and varied currents within the movement and while
King was very well respected, this did not mean that his leadership
went unquestioned. The most obvious example of this was the growing
Black Power Movement that held a different analysis of the USA, what
was possible, and what should be the central thrust of the Black
Freedom Movement.
King’s
denunciation of the US role in Vietnam put him at odds with many
liberals of all racial/ethnic groups who believed that speaking on
foreign policy was a distraction from what King should have been
addressing. The Johnson administration saw King’s criticism as
a betrayal and much of the media turned their backs on him.
And
certainly it was the case that King’s work on economic justice,
including the Poor People’s Campaign and his support for labor
unions, was not something around which a consensus had been built in
the Black Freedom Movement.
Michael
Honey, in his new book, To
the Promised Land,
helps the reader appreciate King’s centering of economic
justice and the manner in which he connected it with racial justice.
Yet there were those in the Black Freedom Movement who had a very
different orientation, one that believed that the focus should be on
business and individual advancement.
Much
of this history has either been forgotten or construed differently.
The one thing that I wish to highlight, something many of us who were
politically conscious and/or active at the time of King’s life
(and death) failed to appreciate, was the revolutionary component of
King and his work. For many of us baby-boomers, the definition of
being a revolutionary focused on one’s attitude toward
non-violence vs. armed self-defense, and in some cases, armed
struggle. It was inconceivable, for many of us, that someone
advocating non-violence could, at one and the same time have a vision
for the social transformation of the USA, a vision, I might add, that
was to the left of many of those militant Black Power advocates who
ultimately advanced notions of Black capitalism.
The
forgotten Dr. King, then, was a leader who was attempting to unite a
workers movement with a racial justice movement with a movement for
global human rights. He knew and stated that there was violence
inherent in the existing system and, indeed, that the USA was the
greater purveyor of violence on the planet. He knew and stated that
the system, as currently constructed, could not meet the needs of the
majority of its population. And, he knew and stated that the job of
social justice activists and social revolutionaries was to
ceaselessly make the lives of the comfortable uncomfortable.
As
a young radical in 1968, and for many years subsequent to ‘68,
I missed this point entirely. Despite the respect that I had for the
courage and convictions of Dr. King, I failed to recognize that his
social revolutionary vision was not only profound but was linked with
a strategy of building a majoritarian bloc in the USA that could
carry out the sort of domestic and global transformation so badly
needed.
There
are a host of criticisms that one can offer of Dr. King, including
elements of his leadership style and his failure to advance the
leadership of women. One can disagree with tactics and strategies
employed. But one misses the mark entirely in not grasping the
revolutionary thrust of Dr. King’s work.
Hopefully,
this April 4th, we were able to take a few moments to reflect on
that thrust; that legacy.
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