The
alumni, students, and my colleagues in the online Barbershop
Discussion Group, are in an uproar over Bethune-Cookman University’s
(B-CU), one of the nation’s historically black colleges and
universities (HBCUs), invitation to U.S. Education Secretary Betsy
DeVos’s to give the university’s commencement address on
May 10th. DeVos’s office made contact with the B-CU
president, Dr. Edison Jackson, after meeting him at President Trump’s
photo-op with dozens of HBCU Presidents at the White House on
February 27th. During the gathering, she identified Dr.
Jackson as being malleable for becoming one of her school choice
surrogates and had her staff contact him after the visit to arrange
the invite. (This is how the game is played.)
DeVos
and Trump are hell bent on making inroads with African American
leaders and institutions to support their charter and voucher school
agenda. Earlier, Dr. Michael Lomax, head of the United Negro College
Fund (UNCF) which represents private HBCUs, aligned himself with the
school choice movement via his service on the board of the Laura and
John Arnold Foundation and his support from the Koch Bros, both
funders of charter schools and other public school privatization
initiatives. In addition, Trump stand-ins serve in administrative
roles at the UNCF and the Thurgood Marshall College Fund (TMCF),
which is the primary voice for public HBCUs.
B-CU
was a prime target for DeVos as she was aware that its fiscal
situation is in shatters. Its president, as well as more than fifty
percent of the other HBCU CEOs, is struggling to keep the college
afloat and is willing to chase any dollars that appear to be
available. If that means doing the “Huckle Buck” and
“grinning like the Kingfish in the old “Amos and Andy TV
show” for Secretary DeVos and President Trump in the hope of
getting some administration dollars to help him dig B-CU out of a
deep financial hole, so be it. Despite having already been used by
Trump at the February 27th White House HBCU Presidents’
minstrel show where the only thing that they were given was the
opportunity to smile for the camera, Dr. Jackson appears to have
learned nothing from that experience.
What
was even more disconcerting was that in his letter to the campus in
defense of his decision to host Secretary DeVos at the commencement,
he implied that her approach and commitment to the black community
was essentially the same as that of philanthropists that B-CU’s
founder, the late Dr. Mary McLeod Bethune, had requested to speak on
campus during her tenure. “Thomas
White (White Sewing Machine Company), John D. Rockefeller (Oil
Baron), James Proctor (Proctor and Gamble), Henry Flagler (Standard
Oil), and President Franklin and First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt”
were progressives within the context of the early and mid-twentieth
century and had made major gifts to Spellman College, Talladega
College, Howard University and a host of other HBCUs. Thus Dr.
Jackson’s sleight of hand does a disservice to Dr.
Bethune’s storied legacy.
Dr. Jackson opted to
grovel for a promise from DeVos to give B-CU a substantial grant in
exchange for providing her a platform with no opportunity for Q &
A that had been demanded by the 4,645 signees of a petition to stop
her from giving the commencement address. Their preference was that
“… instead of inviting Secretary DeVos to
graduation … let’s welcome her to the
table and have meaningful dialogue about stronger policies, the White
House HBCU Initiative, and the importance and contributions of HBCUs”
since “… (l)ast month DeVos weakened consumer protection
for student loan borrowers.” Jackson is blissfully unaware
that DeVos’s real agenda is to have HBCUs open up charter
schools on their campuses.
While this is going on,
there is a more insidious move to directly increase race and class
segregation in the public schools. As pointed out in a number of
studies, charter and voucher schools have a higher incidence of
segregation than public schools in their service areas. This has
often been the result of intentional segregative practices.
Moreover, the students with the greatest needs and challenges are
disproportionately not admitted to the higher performer charter
schools. As public school privatization reforms are being
implemented, they are being structured in such a way as to separate
students by race and social class. Among the strategies are the
following: the establishment of charter school districts for the
lowest achieving public schools, closing public schools and
converting them to corporate charters, and allocating significant
public monies to religious schools (as is the case in Indiana and
Arizona).
But the most recent
tactic is to facilitate predominantly white sectors of large school
districts trending towards becoming majority-minority to secede and
form independent, majority-white, smaller districts. In the age of
Trump, this method is being used to prevent white students from
having to be minorities in school systems where African Americans,
Hispanics, Asian, and/or Native Americans are the increasing and/or
overwhelming majority.
Gardendale,
Alabama, a majority-white city in Jefferson County, Alabama, is being
allowed to separate from the Jefferson County Public Schools and to
form its own school district in stages with full separation possible
in three years if Gardendale … “can prove it can
operate a desegregated system.” A federal judge issued
this decision on May 1, 2017 with the full understanding that it
would have an adverse impact on students of color. It is ironic that
the attorney for the plaintiffs, who have been fighting for school
desegregation for more than fifty years, is U.W. Clemon, a retired
federal judge. That case also provides guidelines for the formation
of new school systems.
With
the Trump-DeVos push for school privatization via vouchers, charters,
educational savings accounts, etc., the latent motivations for
returning public schools to their pre-Brown status is blooming
throughout the nation. Conservatives, corporatists, and racists now
have a President who will back their educational and private-sector
programs—an Administration with whom they can do business.
Trump’s ability to co-opt his erstwhile adversaries into
working with and/or supporting him, such as HBCU and grassroots
leaders, minority social justice organizations, and clergy has
positioned him to oppress the citizens they allegedly represent.
America’s
minority and progressive groups are in for a wild and unpredictable
ride as the Trump-DeVos infiltrations into their longstanding bases
of support are becoming unraveled. The long-term assault on minority
leadership by the corporate Cartel (Koch Bros.; Wall Street financial
organizations; the Gates, Walton, Fisher, Bradley, Arnold
Foundations, and etc.) via financial contributions has weakened the
resolve of these individuals to hold fast to their traditions and
values. So far, Trump and DeVos have been able to assert their
educational will over many who have been traditional supporters of
public schools.
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