New
Jersey and National Updates: Shavar Jeffries, who was
backed by the Cartel for corporate education reform and was defeated
by Ras Baraka in the 2014 Newark mayoral race (although he outspent
Baraka 10:1) now heads the Democrats for Education Reform (DFER) that
is also funded by the Cartel. Jeffries was preparing to challenge
Baraka again in 2018, but the Cartel has begun to warm toward Baraka
since he supported their joint corporate charter and public education
slate in the June 2016 Newark School Board election. The Cartel now
feels that Baraka will no longer be a hindrance to their goal of
making Newark a majority corporate charter district by 2018.
Last
spring, Trenton Education Association (TEA) members, community
leaders, and rank-and-file citizens vigorously opposed the two Broad
public school privatization-oriented finalists selected by the
Trenton School Board (TSB) for the superintendent’s position,
forcing Mayor Eric Jackson (who appoints them) to cancel the search
at the last minute. This time around, the Mayor and the TSB moved
the opening meeting for the superintendent’s search to a new
location, the Bloustein Center for Public Policy on the Rutgers
campus in East Brunswick, New Jersey. They believed it would be
difficult for the public to attend the meeting on short notice and
posted it a day before it was to be held on a workday from 10:00 am
to 3:00 pm, July 29, 2016. TSB members were shocked when Twanda
Taylor, vice president of the TEA, showed up to document their
shenanigans, exposing the slick scheme to Trenton’s public
education stakeholders via a detailed Facebook posting.
Bill
Gates and his Cartel buddies have poured more than a million dollars,
and counting, into the Washington State Supreme Court race to defeat
the incumbent Chief Justice, Barbara Madsen, who wrote the 2015
charter school decision, “declaring the privately run,
publicly funded schools unconstitutional.” This is the
third time that the Cartel has tried to bring corporate charter
schools into the state.
As
noted above, the Cartel’s tentacles are long and deep and
crisscross the nation. The weekly updates are an effort to provide
insights into the complexity and breadth of its continuing attempts
to replace public education with private-sector alternatives. This
week, the focus is on New Jersey and the state of North Carolina that
have been under intense Cartel legislative and legal assaults leading
up to the November 2016 state and national elections.
New
Jersey’s Montclair School Board’s (MSB) “pro-public
school privatization four” (Laura Hertzog, Rev. Jevon
Caldwell-Gross, Atty. Joe Kavesh, and Franklin Turner) have joined
their other three colleagues in opposing the newly proposed Montclair
Charter School (previously named the Fulbright Academy). However,
they are quietly supporting it at the behest of local entrepreneur,
and Cartel member, Don Katz, but they have been boxed in by the Board
minority, led by President Jessica de Koninck, interim Superintendent
Ronald Bolandi, and the broader Montclair community. Education
Commissioner David Hespe’s resignation could result in a final
decision on the charter school being delayed or Gov. Christie forcing
approval through Hespe’s replacement, Kimberley Harrington, a
Christie lackey. Thus the charter opponents need to remain on red
alert!
Pursuant
to OPRA (Open Public Records Act) request by Montclair community
activist, David Herron, it appears that the New Jersey Department of
Education (NJDOE) does not have a formal process for approving
charter school applications. Herron requested the following in his
OPRA filing, “… any and all feedback concerning…”
the Fulbright Charter School Application (Phase I), including all
emails to and from NJDOE and the following individuals:
In
addition, the charter school applicant changed the name of the school
(from Fulbright Academy to Montclair Charter School) after the
submission had been approved in Phase I. The NJDOE responded to
Herron that “the department did not make or maintain records
responsive” to the aforementioned demands.”
Therefore, it is apparent that the state does not have a procedure by
which the public can determine the fairness and impartiality of its
annual award of hundreds of millions of dollars to largely
unaccountable traditional and corporate charter schools.
The
pushback against the Montclair Charter School has been a collective
one, including the interim superintendent, Dr. Ronald E. Bolandi; the
Montclair Education Association; Montclair Cares About Schools; Rose
Cali, local philanthropist; Clair Kennedy Wilkins, who organized
against it on Facebook; the Montclair Residents Opposed to the
Fulbright Charter School parent group; the Glen Ridge School Board;
Mayor Jackson (under pressure) and numerous other area residents.
Yet the state and local Cartel stand-ins, led by Don Katz, a
Montclair businessman, continue to push forward.
Despite
the Cartel’s tremendous fiscal resources and its connections to
Gov. Christie and a pro-public school privatization, bipartisan
coalition of Democratic and Republican legislators, Montclair
citizens and groups will likely prevail because they have the numbers
and possible legal challenges at their disposal. The NJDOE looks to
be lawfully vulnerable if it decides to give final approval to the
Montclair Charter School. Now that it has been exposed that it is
granting charter authorization based on personal whims and political
connections, the public has a stronger basis on which to carry the
day.
Meanwhile, the race for
New Jersey governor is heating up. Senate President Steve Sweeney is
in a knife fight with the New Jersey Education Association (NJEA) and
the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP), having called for the U.S.
Attorney from New Jersey and the New Jersey Attorney General to
investigate them for “pay to play” for withholding
campaign contributions to Democratic legislators “until
a pension amendment was ensured for November’s ballot.”
Sweeney’s strategy is to put the unions on the defensive since
his New Jersey Cartel backers have directed him to forgo any effort
to make the teachers’ pension fund whole.
However, he offered an
olive branch to union members in a Labor Day op-ed in the
Star-Ledger where he praised the rise and contributions of
unions in New Jersey, but Sweeney also tried to explain away his
refusal to put teacher pension funding up for a November referendum
by stating … “we need to put a constitutional
amendment on the ballot to guarantee those pension payments when we
feel we can pass it.” (He had the power and the votes to do
so.) What this means is NEVER! He has begun taking significant
political contributions from David Tepper, a major Cartel donor and
creator of the public school privatization group, Better Education
for Kids, and former supporter of Steve Fulop whom he feels has
double-crossed him.
Sweeney
is hiding behind the impasse over New Jersey’s transportation
funding as an excuse to delay action on the pension referendum he had
committed to sponsor (although the two are not related). He hopes to
sweet talk the unions into releasing contributions for the 2017
elections with another promise to sponsor and sign the pension
referendum after he is elected governor, when he will “Ratf**k”
them again.
In
addition, Sweeney recently toured a pre-K school with his allies in
the Trenton Public Schools; he has had a long-term relationship with
the school board president, Jason Redd and Trenton Mayor Eric
Jackson. Sweeney is taking a page from Christie’s 2009
political playbook when he conned the unions and received forty
percent of the teachers’ vote, only to launch an attack on them
and other public-sector unions immediately after taking the oath of
office in 2010; the assaults have escalated and continue to this day.
Teachers are faced with an easy choice among the announced and
unannounced 2017 Democratic gubernatorial candidates:
Sen.
Raymond Lesniak, who has used his position to craft a bill for
school vouchers, is an avid supporter of corporate charter schools
and has used the Elizabeth School Board and Kean University as
patronage operations for his law firm and friends;
Jersey
City Mayor Steve Fulop, who has doubled the number of corporate
charters since taking office and delayed the settlement of the
Jersey City teachers’ contract until the union president, Ron
Greco, forced his hand;
Senate
President Steve Sweeney, who passed legislation mandating that
teachers be evaluated by students’ standardized test scores
and increased their contributions for health and pension benefits
while limiting their salary increases; and
Phil
Murphy, Ambassador to Germany under President Obama, member of the
NAACP’s National Board, and the only announced candidate. He
is the lone contender who has given full-throated support to public
education and has no record of backing public school privatization
even while he worked on Wall Street.
The
other unannounced candidates have little chance of winning. Murphy
appears to be the only sane choice for public education stakeholders
as the others have already revealed their inclinations to privatize
public schools.
But
the most interesting battle for the Democratic gubernatorial
nomination is taking place in Essex Count where Newark Mayor Ras
Baraka is trying to lock down support for Steve Fulop, who gave him
nearly a million dollars in direct contributions in his 2014 mayoral
election. The problem is that Baraka will have difficulty in paying
off his political debt. Former Newark mayor, Sharpe James, is
backing Murphy and has introduced him around to seniors who still
adore him. Sen. Richard Codey, a political power player in Essex
County, is likewise supporting Murphy. Essex County Democratic
Chair, LeRoy Jones, is hanging back so far, waiting for the dust to
settle before choosing a candidate.
Last
week, Baraka sent his chief of staff to strong arm Newark’s
leading African American clergy members into aiding Fulop, and the
ministers left the meeting feeling insulted without giving a
commitment. Baraka influence is not as extensive as he believes it
to be. It will decline even further after Essex County citizens
become aware that Baraka is behind a candidate who is committed to
the corporate destruction of public education as we know it.
Moreover, Newark and Essex County teachers and support staff have
been substantially victimized by corporate education reforms.
Elsewhere,
North Carolina’s strict Voter ID law has been unanimously
overturned by the Fourth District Federal Appeals Court because it
was found to be surgically designed to impede the voting rights of
low-income citizens, especially African American voters, who make up
approximately thirty percent of the state’s electorate, and
college students.
The
Court concluded that “North Carolina’s omnibus
bill selectively chose voter-ID requirements, reduced the number of
early-voting days and changed registration procedures in ways meant
to harm blacks, who overwhelmingly vote for the Democratic Party.”
(Kansas, Texas, and Wisconsin also had portions of their Voter
ID bills struck down.) Yet twenty-three of the one hundred county
election boards have reduced early voter hours and nine have
eliminated Sunday voting altogether in an effort to save Republican
incumbents.
All
four states have indicated that they will appeal the decisions, but
given the close proximity of the 2016 presidential election and the
four-to-four split on the U.S. Supreme Court, it is unlikely that the
Court will accept the appeals. With this eleventh hour change in
voting procedures, North Carolina will likely go to Hillary Clinton
in the November presidential election, and incumbent Gov. Pat
McCrory’s chances of being retained in office have been dealt a
major blow; he is already trailing his opponent, Attorney General Roy
Cooper, in the polls by eight points.
The
significance of the North Carolina decision is that it was linked to
a series of anti-public education policies. The
Republican-controlled legislature crafted this law at the same time
(2013) that it eliminated teacher tenure; implemented a teacher
evaluation system using students’ standardized test scores;
reduced salaries for veteran teachers; laid off thousands of teacher
aides; eliminated additional pay for teachers who earned advanced
degrees; approved regular and special needs voucher schools; proposed
a corporate charter district for the state’s disproportionately
minority, low-performing schools; and approved grossly
under-performing corporate and cyber charter schools.
Public
school teachers are in the forefront of the opposition to these
Republican-led initiatives. Currently, sixty percent of North
Carolina’s K-12 public school students are African American,
Asian, Hispanic, or Native American. Moreover, McCrory has endorsed
the anti-transgender bathroom bill (HB2) which was struck down by the
federal government and caused the 2017 NBA All-Star game to be
shifted from Charlotte, North Carolina to New Orleans.
Rev.
Dr. William J. Barber, president of the North Carolina State NAACP
and a member of its national board, has led the multi-racial,
multi-class Moral Monday movement since 2013 which has defied these
anti-public education and discriminatory voting statutes. He and his
cohorts understand the perniciousness of these efforts in a
supposedly democratic society. Their on-the-ground protests of these
legislative actions have stalled, and perhaps stopped, the Cartel’s
movement of public services and options into the private sector in
North Carolina.
In
a rousing speech at the Democratic National Convention in July, Rev.
Barber stated that "We are being called like our forefathers
and foremothers to be the moral defibrillators of our time"
in a call to arms to people committed to the public sector. Like
civil, women’s, disability, gay rights, and other activists of
the past and the present, he is asking that we engage in a
twenty-first century social revolution. That view is independently
resonating among citizens across the nation, including those in New
Jersey.
Rev.
Barber recognized as did Susan B. Anthony, Ida B. Wells-Barnett,
Mahatma Gandhi, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and numerous others that
organized resistance against injustice over the long term,
particularly the right to vote, is the cornerstone of democracy.
Since the Cartel has demonstrated that it wants to privatize America,
it is time for contemporary leaders and the body politic to take a
stand in support of public schools and our democratic society.
New
Jersey and North Carolina are primary targets in the 2016 election,
from Washington State to North Carolina as the Cartel sees this as an
opportunity to make major gains in downsizing of public education and
public-sector unions.
Future
columns will examine these issues in greater detail.
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