A few years ago, what people in the U.S. knew about
Sudan, the largest country in Africa, likely came from the movie
Lawrence of Arabia. Most had never heard of Darfur, the suffering,
tumultuous region in western Sudan.
Today, Darfuris are caught in a grim conflict that
has killed up to 400,000 people and displaced at least 2.5 million.
The U.S. press and politicians are obscuring the historical roots
of the agony, trying to manipulate public opinion about how to help.
Shouts for a military solution dominate the airwaves, while providing
aid for the hungry is not mentioned.
Fundamentally, Darfuris are straining against predatory
world imperialism and a repressive central government, which have
together created a deadly civil war. An inexorable expansion of
the Sahara Desert intensifies the suffering. The scope of the dilemma
begs for revolutionary answers.
Colonial legacy breeds civil war
Darfur’s conflict today is an extension of Sudan’s
war between the north and south, Africa’s longest civil war.
Its origin goes back to the colonial era when Britain administered
northern and southern Sudan as separate colonies.
British capital went largely to northern Sudan, which
enabled the Nile Valley to develop industrially. The rest of Sudan
was left out, exploited and impoverished, the people trying to sustain
themselves on modes of production like herding and farming that
became less and less viable.
After independence in the mid-1950s, the central government
reinforced British policies of segregation of the north from the
rest of the country and of neglect and vicious suppression of the
east, west and south. At various times, rebel groups mounted protests
and armed revolts against the government.
The strongest defiance came from the south, from 1955
to 1972, and again from 1983 to 2005. Then, the Islamic fundamentalist
dictatorship of Omar Al-Bashir signed a peace agreement with one
of the groups, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, which
joined the government. Along with the settlement came 10,000 U.N.
"peace-keeping" troops - and a shift of the fighting to
Darfur.
Race is not to blame
With starts and stops, the war now raging in Darfur
has been going on since 2001. Just as in the south, the have-nots
in Darfur are rebelling against poverty and discrimination by the
central government in Khartoum. The government strategy is to fund
vicious counterinsurgent mercenaries, drawn from nomad tribes and
called Janjawid. Terrified, unarmed civilians are the bulk of their
victims.
The White House and U.S. media persist in characterizing
this war and its barbarities as "Arab" vs. "Black
African." But this is simply not true. Such deliberate mischaracterization
is being done to further demonize Arabs and Muslims and thereby
aid the U.S. "war on terror," and to promote military
intervention.
As Professor Mahmood Mamdani, director of African
Studies at Columbia University, points out in an article published
in Black
Commentator, "All parties involved in the Darfur conflict
- whether they are referred to as ‘Arab’ or as ‘African’
- are equally indigenous and equally black. All are Muslims and
all are local. The so-called Arabs of Darfur are Africans who speak
Arabic. The real roots of combat are not racial or ethnic but political
and economic.
Disappearing
water and vanishing fertile land contribute to hardships and divisions
in Darfur. Less rain is falling, droughts are becoming more common
and severe, and global warming and overuse of the land are causing
the Sahara Desert, at the northern edge of Darfur, to grow. This
hurts both the nomadic herders of camels and cattle who predominate
in northern Darfur and the farmers who predominate to the south.
Tensions are exacerbated as the herders press southward to find
new grasslands.
Underdeveloped industrially, Darfur has no jobs for
displaced nomads and farmers. Too many men end up in local militias
or the Sudanese army. The women and children and elders are left
behind, defenseless against raids, rape and plunder. What they all
need is sane and humane development, not more troops!
Why doesn’t anybody mention oil?
In most discussions about the crisis, the subject
of oil doesn’t come up. But it is Sudan’s largest export
and the reason for U.S. "concern" for Darfur.
A consortium of Chinese and other companies finished
an oil pipeline in 1999. Since then, oil has turned Sudan into one
of the fastest growing economies in the world, although the wealth
benefits only a select few. Sudan is the third largest producer
of oil in Africa. It also has large deposits of natural gas, uranium
and copper.
Alas, the U.S. has no access to these riches, because
the Clinton administration branded Sudan a "terrorist state"
and imposed a blockade, as well as bombed its only major pharmaceutical
plant in 1998. The China National Petroleum Corporation holds the
only oil leases in Darfur. The U.S. wants that oil. And it wants
a foothold in this region so well situated to exert military and
political power over the Middle East.
That’s why the U.S. favors sending U.N. troops
into Darfur - and why China and France, with already established
oil claims, do not.
Hope for Darfur, but not through U.N. troops
The White House, Democrat and Republican politicians,
and their media have now turned their attention to the intense violence
and misery in Darfur - several years after it actually began.
Last Sept. 17, a Global Day for Darfur, thousands
demonstrated in New York. Their main call was not for aid, but for
20,000 U.N. troops. Most of them were concerned young students and
anti-war activists, chanting "Out of Iraq, into Darfur."
They are unaware that the Save Darfur campaign is organized and
financed primarily by the right wing, evangelical and Zionist groups
and NGOs (non-governmental organizations) funded by the National
Endowment for Democracy. Rally leaders met with George W. Bush in
the White House just before the event.
U.N. and NATO troops are hired to do what the empires,
especially the U.S., tell them to do. From Korea to Congo, Iraq,
Yugoslavia, Somalia and Haiti, the assigned role of "peacekeeper"
troops has been colonial occupation and suppression of rebellious
peoples, while stolen wealth flows into imperialist hands. Most
of the NATO-funded African Union troops currently in Darfur are
sent by vicious regimes that have themselves condoned atrocities
similar to those of the Janjawid. Support for either U.N. or NATO-backed
African Union soldiers in Darfur is support only for more death
and destruction.
Many analysts say there is no hope for Darfur. And
under the rule of world capitalism, they have a point. The human,
economic and environmental catastrophes besetting Darfur are an
acute example of what plagues former colonies all over the world.
Just as the problem is international, so is the solution.
Only through an exchange of material resources and technological
skills between richer and poorer countries will regions like Darfur
recover from their torment. But, under the system of production
for profit, equitable exchange is excluded.
Here and now, support for Darfur must include demanding
the end of sanctions against Sudan along with immediate humanitarian
relief and development aid for projects like irrigation. Aid that
comes from governments must be unconditional. And, if there is any
possibility of forming committees of women, farmers, herders and
workers to make decisions about aid distribution, this should be
fought for.
But just as important as calling for emergency aid
is organizing for international socialism. This can be the only
real foundation for a stunning recuperation by human beings and
nature, in Darfur and beyond.
Monica Hill writes for the Freedom
Socialist Newspaper. |