France is in crisis. Widespread post-industrial social
insurrections, commonly referred to as riots, unfolded on October
27, in the suburb of Clichy-sous-Bois north of Paris. While the
precise details remain sketchy, what is known is that two teenagers,
Zyed Benna, 17, and Bouna Traore, 15, apparently thought they were
being chased by the police, scaled a wall, and were electrocuted
as they hid near or under a transformer. A group of ten or more
friends had been playing soccer and were going home when they came
across a police control. In order to avoid the harassment, the lengthy
questions and possible detainment by the police they all fled in
different directions. Later that evening as the shocking news of
the two deaths circulated, young people began to take to the streets.
These events set into motion a series of widespread mini-intifadas.
For more than two weeks, night after night, young
urban actors who are primarily of Arab or African descent have swarmed
the streets to demonstrate their rage and hostility towards a political
system that has effectively ignored and excluded them. These low
intensity mini-intifadas have since spread like wildfire to other
neighboring towns and districts across northern and southern France.
These uprisings, first reported to have unfolded around and near
Paris, have since spread to others parts of the country. These post-industrial
social insurrections may not be linked to traditional social movements;
however, they represent a loosely defined network of national, regional,
and transnational actors in the global struggle against neo-industrial
oppression and exploitation. These communities are viewed as marginal,
oppositional, minority, residual, emergent, alternative, and dissident
in relation to the dominant cultural order.
The urban actors are articulating a powerful message
while simultaneously destabilizing the French social model of integration.
Therefore, they should be seen as legitimate political actors. Simply
put, the revolts represent the epicenter of accumulated social problems
that France's political classes have allowed to fester for many
years. The current social insurrections first unfolded on the northern
edges of Paris where the first two digits of the postal code is
93. Politically, 93 is now a powerful social metaphor which means
social exclusion, racial discrimination, high unemployment, and
police repression, for those living in these communities. The mini-intifadas
are now being characterized as France's worst civil unrest since
the 1968 student revolts. The social crisis has rocked and embarrassed
the current government, and left them scrambling, unable to respond
in a coherent and coordinated manner. President Jacques Chirac
has called for a strong response to the social insurrection.
French Prime Minister Dominique de Villepin and Interior
Minister Nicholas Sarkozy, both positioning themselves to run for
president in 1997, have had to cancel trips abroad to deal with
the crisis. Employing Nixon-like rhetoric, de Villepin said "law
and order will have the last word." Sarkozy, playing
to the right and far right electorate, called the rebellious youths
"scum" and "riffraff." Unfortunately, his tough
talk and posturing only served to provoke more unrest. Moreover,
Sarkozy's hard-line approach has not only served to alienate many
young people of Arab and African descent, but important players
within his own government. Except for vacuous political slogans
and incendiary rhetoric, the current government, after weeks of
disorder, has not been able to adequately articulate a solution
to the crisis. Despite an extraordinarily high presence of riot
police and undercover agents across the northern and southern stretches
of Paris the authorities still had not been able to quell the rebellions.
As the crisis deepens, Chirac is facing intense political and popular
pressure to bring the mini-intifadas to an end. François Hollande,
leader of the Socialist party, said the social rebellions reflected
the failure of government policy and leadership. However, given
the social, racial, and religious calculus there are no easy solutions.
On Sunday November 6, in article published in the
editorial page of the French daily Le Monde, Nicolas Sarkozy argued
that a police centered approach to the current crisis is the best
strategy. First, he blamed the former Socialist government and its
emphasis on community policing for contributing to high crime rates
during their tenure. Second, he argued that from 2002, which is
when the current government came to power, until present, the crime
rate has declined by eight percent. He attributes this decline to
his government's decision to de-emphasize community policing and
focus on more traditional methods of policing like "maintaining
order and arresting criminals." There was no mention of a political
plan or social strategy to address the deep structural problems
underpinning these rebellions. Many in the French Arab and African
community believe that in some ways Sarkozy is partly responsible
for this social unrest. He has alienated young people with his zero
tolerance anti-crime campaigns which include frequent police checks
in Arab and African communities.
These post-industrial social insurrections are firmly
rooted in logic of French colonial history and are the consequences
of colonialism, as many of the young people who have taken to the
streets have ties to former French colonies in northern and sub-Saharan
Africa. Like many social insurrections of the late 20th and early
21st centuries, they are first and foremost responses to neo-industrial
oppression, and a reaction to the profound marginalization that
many Arab and African youth face. As second and third generation
immigrants whose families migrated from former French colonies in
the 1950's and 60's, many of these young people are crisscrossing
two cultural worlds; their French identity is rooted in the crosscurrents
of colonialism which tags them as French but "other,"
or French-Arab and "hyphenated" - the hyphen suggesting
that they are "less than" or pseudo-French. Moreover,
their parents' world is scarred and skewed by colonial politics
and history - many arrived after the painful process of decolonization
- and this is a world that many of the young people may not identify
with. The problems they face as victims of neo-industrial
oppression include racial discrimination, advanced industrial poverty,
extremely high rates of unemployment or low wage employment, and
poor educational preparation.
France has a Muslim population of roughly 5 million
out of a total of 60 million; it is also home to the largest immigrant
community in Europe. There is a widespread belief that the already
tense relations between these communities and law enforcement led
to the current crisis spinning out of control. Concretely, police
misconduct such as brutality, racial profiling and frequent unjustified
stops and identity checks are major problems for many who live in
these marginalized territories on the periphery of Paris. In a recent
paper on comparative policing practices focused on New York and
Paris, Cathy Schneider, an expert on race and policing, argues that
starting in 2002, Paris adopted New York styles of policing aimed
specifically toward minority communities. These included racially
biased anti-crime wars, zero tolerance campaigns, and the creation
of racialized boundaries separating minority from majority populations.
Critics complain that the current conservative government,
which came to power in 2002, cut back on former Socialist policies
like community policing initiatives, and cut funds for social projects.
According to SOS Racisme, a cutting-edge nongovernmental organization
and one of the few human rights groups working to address racial
discrimination, in 2002 the current government cut crucial funding
for sports and after-school programs. Some believe that these cuts,
combined with the harsh social conditions, may have also contributed
to the current rage that has spilled into the streets. Living in
post-industrial hell, the residents of the poorly maintained grey
public housing projects have transformed these areas into a nightly
battlefield where for 40 years the government has concentrated immigrants
and their families in well defined districts away from city centers.
In these areas designated as "special zones" it is estimated
that unemployment is as high as 19.6 percent or double the national
average; and more than 30 percent among 21 to 29-year-olds, according
to official figures.
The roots of these post-industrial social insurrections
were first analyzed by Frantz Fanon, a medical doctor and revolutionary
theorist from Martinique who wrote extensively on French colonialism.
Fanon's contribution to understanding the psychology of colonialism
is worth noting. As a politically conscious psychiatrist who factored
political and social realities into the discipline of psychiatry,
he recognized that individual and collective emotional disorders
of oppressed peoples form part of the social pathology of colonialism,
which denied the validity of people and their cultures. Like colonialism
before, and advanced neo-industrial oppression now, both produce
raw emotional rage, inferiority, alienation, self-hatred, conflicting
social identities and other social disorders. Many of the young
people of Arab and African origins living in France and throughout
Europe now face dilemmas of fractured identities in societies that
are themselves experiencing a profound identity crisis. Across Europe,
communities of color, along with having to deal with an ensemble
of hostile social forces, face tremendous odds as they attempt to
develop cultural and social models that are genuinely multicultural,
participatory and democratic.
In a move sure to stir more controversy, Sarkozy announced
on Wednesday, November 9, to the French parliament the planned deportation
of 120 people - including legal residents - who have been convicted
to date. Sarkozy said that he has asked regional officials "to
deport them from our national territory without delay, including
those with a residency permit." Additionally, the authorities
on the same day announced curfew measures for a handful of towns
across France. The situation remains fluid and unpredictable, and
may be subsiding even as unrest leapfrogged to other parts of Europe.
The French social model, which emphasizes social integration,
generous social benefits and social equality for all of its citizens,
is not only being called into question, but destabilized by new
social actors. The concerns of these actors must be addressed based
on a new or different social model. Regrettably, the French social
model's emphasis on total integration into French society has served
as a cultural smokescreen to deny ethnic and racial minorities legitimate
forms of self expression. As a consequence of these post-industrial
social insurrections, France's national identity - whatever it was
- will never be the same. However, France is not alone as this is
a problem echoed throughout Europe. In the United Kingdom, Spain,
and Germany - only to a name a few - communities of color face similar
obstacles as they negotiate the treacherous divide between us and
them.
Kwame Dixon is distinguished visiting scholar of
Black Studies at DePauw University in Indiana. This article was
reported from Madrid, Spain. He can be reached at [email protected].
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