The Personal and the Structural
The brilliant and prolific left sociologist C. Wright Mills once
said that the core purpose
of meaningful analytical work on social and political affairs was
to make relevant connections between individual pain and structural
inequality. The point of such work, by Mills' reckoning, was
to de-atomize personal difficulty and relate it to broader contextualizing
forces of class, race, bureaucracy, and unjust power and authority.
The dominant authoritarian and neoliberal ideology of our time
works in the opposite direction. It tells us to separate the
personal from the societal. It expects us to think of ourselves
and others as purely autonomous sole actors – a veritable mass of
self-produced Robinson Crusoes (with Crusoe's slave Friday deleted
from the formulation), each living on his or her own island of possessive-individualist
economic rationality and "personal responsibility."
To be sure, we are occasionally expected to leave our private islands
long enough to engage in certain selected collective acts and rituals
of mass obedience, consumerism, and power worship. We are encouraged
more to sing the national anthem at the weekend battle of the football
gladiators; to ooh and ahh at the militaristic Air and Water Show
(where the chance to be personally shocked and awed by the murderous
B-2 Stealth Bomber and the A-10 Warthog is supposed to make us "proud
to be Americans"); to stand in line to vote for one or a few
among a strictly limited business-friendly spectrum of candidates
in occasional, staggered, and corporate-crafted "election extravaganzas"
(Noam Chomsky) that systematically de-emphasize popular moral-economy,
structural inequality, and social justice; to join the consumer
debt-addicted throngs at the shopping malls during the Christmas
season and throughout the year; to grieve collectively when "anti-American"
terror or some other selected tragedy (a natural disaster, a Space
Shuttle disintegration, or a celebrity plane-[John-John's plunge,
for example] or car- [Princess Dianne] crash, etc.) strikes (all
too mysteriously, no matter how predictable such occurrences may
have been) the "greatest country in the world," understood
to be the headquarters and homeland of "freedom" and "democracy;"
to mail in our taxes every April 15th to help the federal government
wreak vengeful havoc on those who "hate America" and to
let it perform other key functions even as that government rolls
back taxes on the privileged few in the "advanced world's"
most unequal and wealth-top-heavy nation (the U.S.). Those collective
moments and acts are relatively rare, however, and are dedicated
to preservation of the fragmented and privatized social and cultural
order of officially disassociated and self-made individuals.
"Equal Opportunity"
If some of those individuals just happen to be extravagantly wealthy
and powerful while a much larger number of individuals are poor
and defenseless, the ruling doctrine tells us, that is simply because
of characteristics internal to each personally self-generated individual. By
the standard common-sense conventional wisdom imposed by the "power
elite," America is the land of "equal opportunity"
where every individual is free to climb as far as his or her peculiar
combination of ability and drive will take them.
If a disproportionate number of people in the privileged category
happen to be white and a disproportionate share of the folks in
the under-privileged category happen to be black, that's simply
an unfortunate indication that too many blacks lack the personal
drive and/or innate ability exemplified by such virtuous and hard-working
blacks as Condaleeza Rice, Clarence Thomas, Colin Powell, and Oprah
Winfrey. It's proof that large numbers of blacks are personally,
culturally, and/or (in the most toxic variant of not-always-so-"New
Age" Racism) biologically unfit to individually (as so many
whites have supposedly done) advance in a noble, color-and class-blind
nation where all of us are equally free to turn our personal islands
into either a Gold Coast or a Slum.
"Exposed in New Orleans": a "Chasm of Race
and Class"
How interesting to watch dominant American corporate media – the
leading institutional architect and guardian of authoritarian homeland
ideological security – working to fit the square pegs of "Tropical
Storm Katrina" into the round holes of the nation's atomistic,
state-capitalist, and neoliberal doctrine. As I noted in a
Dissident Voice article last week ("An All-Too American Tragedy:
Empire, Oil, Inequality, and New Orleans," DV, September 6,
2005), the flooding of New Orleans and the subsequent marooning
and severely delayed rescue of much of that predominantly black
city's disproportionately non-white poor population was in many
ways the natural and predictable outcome of a number of structurally
entrenched socioeconomic and sociopolitical problems reflecting
the dialectically inseparable evils of American empire, inequality,
racism, and petroleum-addiction.
The richly interconnected problems include: racial apartheid and
black hyper-segregation; a transportation infrastructure built around
the expensive and climate-heating (carbon-spewing) personal and
family automobile; economic racism; environmental collapse; and
the broad diversion of American public resources from civil infrastructure
(including flood prevention), civil rights, and social health (including
poverty-reduction, education, and health-care) to pay for war and
empire (including more than 700 military bases located in nearly
every nation in the world) abroad and plutocratic tax-cuts at home.
At the most immediate level, the New York Times acknowledged on
the front page of its September 9th edition that "race and
class were the unspoken markers of who got and who got stuck"
in New Orleans." Two days later, Times reporter Jason
DeParle noted that "what a shocked world saw exposed in New
Orleans last week wasn't just a broken levee. It was a chasm
of race and class, at once familiar and startlingly new, laid bare
in a setting where the suddenly amounted to matters of life and
death.
Hydrology joined sociology through the story line, from the settling
of the flood-prone city, where well-to-do white people lived on
the high ground, to its frantic abandonment."
Since the 1970s, DeParle noted, New Orleans "has become unusually
segregated," so that "the white middle-class is all but
gone, moved north across Lake Ponchatrain or west to Jefferson Parish
– home of David Duke" (and of higher ground). In a society
where the atomistic auto trumps public transit, "evacuation
was especially difficult for the more than one third of black New
Orleans households that lacked a car." While race and
class have always been "matters of life and death" in
the American experience, of course, Katrina's tragic aftermath has
provided perhaps the most graphical and literal illustration in
the way that American societal arrangements apportion "freedom"
– a term that George W. Bush beats to death but never bothers to
define and whose limits and contested meanings and complex meanings
he never (of course) appreciates – in racially and socio-economically
selective and unequal ways. We all know who got "left behind"
(to take two words [themselves looted from the Children's' Defense
Fund] from Bush's regressive educational "reform" program)
to rot in a living Hell in one of the nation's great, historic cities.
Media's Job: Put the Lid Back on the Race-Class Can
Dominant media authorities are not generally stupid. They
know very well that a commentary like DeParle's touches on just
part of the remarkable extent to which recent events have "exposed"
some of America's core societal disparities and perverted priorities.
As they certainly grasped during the early moments of maximum revealed
and racially disparate crisis, Katrina was lifting some of the lid
from atop the ugly, oil-soaked can of class, race, and empire that
lurks beneath official doctrines of "equal opportunity"
and "color"- and class-blindness. Given their well-rewarded
position atop the corporate-crafted, Robinson-Crusoe-fied mass culture
and its underlying, heavily racialized socioeconomic regime (wherein
media black net worth is equivalent to 7 cents on the white dollar),
we can expect them to quite naturally frame Katrina and its aftermath
around a number of privilege-friendly and power-preserving concepts
within an authoritarian, selective, and diversionary narrative crafted
to contain the storm's radical potential. Their job is ideological
damage control: putting the lid on the race-class-empire can.
Reactionary Narratives
While I have yet to undertake a detailed media content analysis,
here are some of the key conservative concepts and narratives that
I have gleaned so far from admittedly anecdotal sampling of dominant
electronic and print media in the U.S.:
1. Katrina as essentially a "natural disaster." The
richly and darkly "sociological" nature of the tragedy
was too "suddenly" and uncontrollably obvious to entirely
delete and ignore. Two weeks after the levees were breached
(thanks to racist-plutocratic- imperialist "benign neglect"
of the need to prepare for a long-predicted catastrophe), however,
hydrology and meteorology can be expected to progressively supplant
"sociology" (especially left, C.Wright Mills- or Pierre-Bourdieu-inspired
sociology) in corporate media's efforts to shape collective memory
of the disaster.
2. A focus on "incompetence" in disaster relief management
as the main socially constructed factor to merit attention. Here
corporate media moves beyond a purely natural interpretation. It
fails, however, as it must, to address the roles of competently
and routinely imposed racial and class inequality, empire (which
feeds domestic inequality and exactly numerous other and related
costs at home), and petro-addiction in the construction of Katrina's
occurrence and outcome.
However "incompetent" and qualified the officially shamed
Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) chief may have been in
(not) responding to Katrina, his job performance has nothing to
do with the hyper-segregation of poor black Americans in the most
flood-prone sections of New Orleans. The FEMA figurehead hardly
compelled the White House to fold his critical agency into the cumbersome
new Department of Homeland of Security or to switch the agency's
core mission from natural disaster response to preparation for terror
attacks that seem all-too predictable in light of the president's
imperialist foreign policy. Nobody at FEMA made the hard-right business
party in power steal funds from flood-prevention and disaster management
to give its leading fat cat sponsors and constituents gigantic tax
reductions even as it called for "good Americans" to make
a shared "sacrifice" in the "war on terror."
Always ready to meet the ideological needs of his upper-class comrades
and concentrated power, legendary former NBC anchor man Tom Brokaw
recently (on the morning of September 9th) told NBC "Today
Show"host Matt Lauer that Americans are now facing three principal
enemies since 9/11: "terror," "nature"
(hurricanes, especially), and now "incompetence" (his
take on the bungled government response to Katrina). Trumpeting
a "World War II Museum" he recently sponsored in New Orleans
(to glorify the "greatest generation" of World War II
veterans he has been speaking and writing about in recent years)
with his "good friend" the late reactionary and plagiarist
historian Stephen
Ambrose, Brokaw was in no frame of mind to reflect on how the White
House's imperialist exploitation of 9/11 has contributed to Katrina's
terrible totality. It has done so by stealing resources – including
the human resources of thousands of deep South National Guardsman
who were stuck in illegally occupied Iraq as their regional cohorts
drowned without adequate rescue services in Louisiana, Mississippi,
and Alabama – from civil engineering and disaster relief and by
increasing the likelihood of terrorist attack at home. The
latter consequence has encouraged the federal government to shift
its focus and resources away from hurricane preparedness to terror
preparedness.
After recommending the hurricane victims embrace the no-nonsense
"greatest [WWII] generation" spirit of "Iwo Jima"
and "Normandy", Brokaw noted that his museum was "looted,
incidentally."
3. "This Can't Be America”.”It's more like a Third
World nation” like Bangladesh or Baghdad." This frequent
comment (and different versions thereof) on the part of numerous
incredulous corporate media commentators and reporters minimizes
the extreme levels of inequality, poverty, and related racial
disparity and public sector starvation that have combined to produce
desperate, practically "Third World" living conditions
in places like New Orleans' Ninth Ward - turning race and class
into "matters of life and death" in such communities
without the "sudden" intervention of inequality-exposing
"natural" forces. More than a generation ago, of
course, the self-proclaimed democratic socialist Martin Luther
King, Jr. tried to warn Americans about the supreme dangers involved
in the surrounding of "Negro cities" by "white
suburbs." He also spoke passionately against what he
called the "triple and interrelated evils" of racism,
militarism-imperialism, and economic exploitation/capitalism. Long
before Katrina arrived to momentarily and partially dislodge the
lid on the imperial race-class can, those "triple evils"
combined to consign much of the "world's greatest nation's"
black citizens to sub-"First-World" circumstances in
isolated, invisible, inner-city eyes of the world-capitalist hurricane.
4. An obsessive focus on real and alleged black "looting"
in the hurricane's wake. Of course, "breaking in"
to the privately (and corporately) owned stores that happen to
warehouse commodified means of survival was the only way for many
marooned New Orleans' residents of different racial background
to stay alive as the federal government took five days and more
to send basic provisions. Besides adding enormous toxic racist
insult to racist injury, this revealing media focus conveniently
turns attention away from privileged and imperialist "elite's"
looting of the public fiscal commons – a regular and ongoing "stick-up
from the top down" – to pay for its terrible wars and tax-cuts. It
was darkly interesting, of course, to see white New Orleans hurricane
survivalists described and portrayed by dominant media as "finders,"
not "looters" when media cameras caught them in the
act of stealing provisions to live.
5. A special taste for individual coping and survival stories. Engaging
stories along these lines obviously carry strong "human interest"
appeal. They also turn attention away from the structural
and societal forces that created the collective, racially disparate
disaster which made harrowing, heroic, and solitary survival stories
necessary in the first place. The richly socially constructed
hurricane drama is individualized – Robinson Crusoe-fied – again
and again in numerous news accounts that bring it all down to
the purely personal level. A related spin on this personalizing
angle is added by dominant media's special taste for covering
the intervention and feelings of celebrities like "New Orelans'
own" Harry Connick, Jr., who seems to have found a television
career as a handsome hurricane helper.
6. A disproportionate focus on evacuation hold-outs and
the efforts of public authorities to "convince them to leave
their flooded homes." This recent favored narrative
encourages a marvelous Orwellian inversion in reader and viewer
perceptions, for the real and far more statistically significant
story is that most of the trapped New Orleans residents were left
behind against their wishes by government's "benign neglect." Thanks
to recent coverage of the overblown "holdout" problem,
countless white Americans are currently muttering to themselves
and each other about "stupid and stubborn" inner-city
blacks "who don't want to be helped even when you try to
assist."
7. Folding discussion of how the American System created
Tropical Storm and Societal Failure Katrina (TSSFK) into the categories
of "political grandstanding" and "partisan finger-pointing." Along
with alleged mass black "looting," "raping,"
"shooting," "killing," and "pillaging,"
this is a major theme in the post-Katrina ravings of such powerful
hard-right corporate media talking-heads as Rush Limbaugh, Bill
O'Reilly, and Sean Hannity. For his part, Hannity sees a
"sick" and "selfish" desire to "advance
one's leftist political agenda" by "tearing down
America" and (of course) "the president" in the
commentary of those who criticize the federal government's response
to "a hurricane of unprecedented magnitude." Beneath
the ongoing battle between and among privileged individuals atop
the two wings (Republican and Democratic) of the U.S. Chamber
of Commerce Party, however, the relevant radical critique of TSSFK
goes far beyond limited bourgeois electoral division to include
core authoritarian institutional and ideological structures and
forces that serve and are sustained by Democrats and Republicans
alike.
With these and other reactionary, privilege-friendly narratives,
dominant media is doing its best to close the American mind to the
many ways in which Katrina might educate the populace about class,
race, Martin King's "triple evils," and the perverted
priorities of empire and inequality. C. Wright Mills would be impressed.
Paul Street ([email protected])
is an historian, journalist, and public speaker in Chicago and DeKalb,
IL. He is the author of Empire and Inequality: America
and the World Since 9/11 (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers,
2004); and Segregated Schools: Race, Class, and Educational
Apartheid in the Post-Civil-Rights Era (New York, NY: Routledge,
2005. |