Now, more than ever, African Americans and people with sense must
disconnect from the insane conversation that passes for news in the
United States. Fortunately, the Internet exists, allowing us to connect
with the global conversation, which is far different than the foul
discourse we are drowning in, here at home. The U.S. has passed a
point of no return, in terms of world reputation and leadership.
No one is listening to the bizarre rantings of the Bush crew except
his own crazed base in the heartland of racism and reaction, and
the corporate media that urge us to leap into a Grand Canyon of lunacy – a
kind of suicide.
We at The Black Commentator have spoken at length of the “redlining” of
America; a movement among the elites of foreign nations to sever
Washington’s outstretched tentacles, which threaten to strangle the
planet. The world is engaged in a furious dialogue on how this essential
task shall be done, but we hear none of it in American media – an
insulating bubble.
But there are
other voices, which is proud to bring to you. The celebratory,
boosterish media that we must all listen to nightly presents
a mask of reality that posits the U.S. at the center of a world
that, increasingly, utterly rejects the model. The Bush Pirates
have set a course that can only lead to catastrophe – for our
homeland. That catastrophe has already visited Iraq, and the
demons are shopping it elsewhere. As we wrote on October 16,
2003, “only the most monumental stupidity, arrogance and willful
ignorance could have set the reigning superpower on such a calamitous
course toward political isolation, economic instability, and
shrinking relevance to the designs of mankind.”
We are grateful
to Aijaz Ahmad for his analysis of declining
American power, an analysis that the people of India can freely
consume in the pages of The
Hindu, the Indian national
newspaper. There is a an international conversation going on
that Americans are not privy to, because of the censorship practiced
by our corporate media. Whether we hear it or not, the bell is
tolling.
The war in Iraq is costing the Americans dearly in every respect.
A demonstration of the invincibility of American power has come together
with the overwhelming evidence of the limits of American power on
the ground.
The first four years of the presidency of George W. Bush, which forced
upon the world not only the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq but also
a structure of globalized militarism to supplement corporate globalization,
coincided almost exactly with the four years of the second Palestinian Intifada and
Israel's all-out war against the Palestinian population. Prospects
for the world during the next four years of this presidency are, if
anything, more grim. And, West Asia shall remain, as it has been, at
the very epicenter of this imperial storm.
Any extended discussion of the current crises in West Asia should
in any case be prefaced with a brief summation of the situation in
which the United States, the instigator and chief actor in these crises,
finds itself. The re-election of Bush to a second term on November
4 was immediately followed, starting on November 7, with a massive
assault on Falluja, as was expected, and was supplemented with equally
murderous attacks on a number of cities and towns across the so-called "Sunni
triangle" in Iraq. On that same day, November 7, the puppet government
of Prime Minister Iyad Allawi declared that all Iraq except the Kurdish-run
areas in the country's north was under martial law, banning all protest
rallies and street demonstrations. He also announced that a 24-hour
curfew applied in Falluja, to be observed by everyone in the city except
the invading U.S. and puppet Iraqi troops, thus making any Fallujan
who is not in a residential building a free-fire target.
Anticipating this assault, some 200,000 residents of Falluja had fled
the city even before the bombings began, along with all the seasoned
fighters of the resistance who left behind only a relatively small
number of relatively inexperienced guerillas to put up a symbolic fight.
The Americans flattened the city nevertheless, raining down munitions
of all kinds and sizes, including 2,000-pound and 5,000-pound bombs,
on the remaining residents of the city. The Iraqi Red Crescent Society,
the national equivalent of the Red Cross, estimated that 6,000 people
died during that assault; by December 5 the Americans had ordered the
Red Crescent to leave the city altogether. The city hospital was the
first building to be destroyed in the bombing, and there are highly
credible accounts reporting that napalm was used on the civilian population
even though the use of napalm was banned by the United Nations in 1980
and every country in the world, with the single exception of the U.S.,
has complied with that ban. Other cities were soon to be subjected
to similar atrocities.
Everyone knew that all this was going to happen, and no one was able
to stop it. In a letter sent on October 14 to U.N. Secretary-General
Kofi Annan, the Falluja Shura Council, which administers the city,
had pleaded: "In Falluja, [the Americans] have created a new vague
target: al-Zarqawi. Almost a year has elapsed since they created this
new pretext and whenever they destroy houses, mosques, restaurants,
and kill children and women, they say, `we have launched a successful
operation against al-Zarqawi'. The people of Falluja assure you that
this person, if he exists, is not in Falluja... and we have no links
to any groups supporting such inhuman behaviour. We appeal to you to
urge the U.N. [to prevent] the new massacre which the Americans and
the puppet government are planning to start soon in Falluja, as well
as many parts of the country." Annan himself took the extraordinary
step of writing to Bush and United Kingdom Prime Minister Tony Blair
not to undertake these attacks, as did the Association of Muslim Scholars,
an organization of the Iraqi ulema representing 3,000 of the
country's mosques. Even Ghazi al-Yawar, the interim President of the
puppet regime in Iraq, had opposed the impending action: "I completely
disagree with people who see a need to settle the Falluja question
through military action .. . . It is like someone firing bullets at
his horse's head because a fly lands on it; the horse dies and the
fly flies away."
None of it helped, and the planned abomination went ahead anyway,
barely 10 days after a scholarly study from Johns Hopkins University's
Bloomberg School of Public Health had sent waves of shock and anger
throughout the Arab world when it publicly stated that some 100,000
Iraqi civilians, mostly women and children, had died since the American
invasion began in March 2003. The mentality that the Americans brought
into their attack on the people of Falluja was well indicated by the
marine commanders who said on record that Falluja was a "house
of Satan" and those other commanders who told their soldiers to "shoot
everything that moves and everything that does not move"; to fire "two
bullets in every body"; and to spray every home with machine-gun
and tank fire before entering them.
Meanwhile, the insurgency itself shows no signs of abating. Even as
Falluja was being terrorized and flattened, insurgents were mounting
attack in other cities such as Mosul, withdrawing their forces from
wherever the Americas attacked, and attacking wherever the presence
of the Americans and their local mercenaries was weak. Large parts
of Baghdad remained ungovernable, as did most of the so-called "Sunni
triangle,” and attacks on pipelines and supply lines were so persistent
that the U.S. command sometimes found it difficult to keep up the gasoline
supplies required for the military operations. It was at the height
of the offensive that the U.S. announced that its military force in
Iraq was to be augmented by another 15,000 troops. Most analysts now
believe that there shall be more incremental increases throughout the
coming year, until the number of U.S. troops reaches 200,000 or more.
This seems all the more likely for two reasons. One is that, according
to knowledgeable sources, the number of active combatants on the side
of the insurgency has increased constantly and has perhaps quadrupled
in a year, which partly explains the quantum increase in the number
and variety of attacks that the U.S. forces face each day. Secondly,
the U.S. is failing to build an even remotely reliable fighting force
comprised of Iraqis that could take over the burden of the fighting;
thousands of them deserted during the recent offensives, and hundreds
are said to have directly joined the insurgents.
U.S. forces in Iraq are using overwhelming firepower so as to minimize
their own casualties. Even so, close to 1,500 U.S. military personnel
have died in combat, and according to statistics released by the U.S.
authorities, as of November 16, a total of 10,726 service members had
suffered war injuries. Most observers believe that the U.S. authorities
are greatly understating the number of the wounded and the real figure
may be twice as high. Nor is there an infinite supply of soldiers available
for massive escalation. Some 80 per cent of the U.S. Army is already
involved in operations in and around Iraq, if we count not only the
troops that are directly deployed at any given time but also the cycle
of rotations. This problem is leading to increasing use of mercenaries
through private contractors; the number of such mercenaries is said
to be already topping the 40,000 mark, and as recruitments decline
within continental U.S., these private contractors are recruiting from
among the destitute populations of a variety of countries, all the
way from South Africa to El Salvador.
In the process, the Iraqi population is being subjected to unspeakable
levels of suffering.
When 200,000 residents fled Falluja, neither the Americans, nor their
Iraqi puppets, nor the U.N. agencies, nor any group of non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) were there to provide them with relief and shelter;
that story is also being repeated in town after town, village after
village. Acute malnutrition among young children in Iraq has nearly
doubled since the U.S. led an invasion of the country 20 months ago.
After the rate of acute malnutrition among children younger than five
steadily declined to 4 per cent two years ago, it shot up to 7.7 per
cent this year, according to a study conducted by Iraq's Health Ministry
in cooperation with Norway's Institute for Applied International Studies
and the U.N. Development Program. The great majority of the estimated
100,000 civilians who have died as a result of the U.S. invasion have
died as a result of U.S. bombings and other kinds of indiscriminate
killings of the U.S. ground forces, but many others have died owing
to the erosion of health facilities, scarcity of clean drinking water,
diseases spreading owing to the collapse of hygienic conditions of
life, collapse of incomes and employment opportunities, and other such
consequences of the invasion.
The U.S. government and media ignore all such facts and concentrate
instead on the bogus "elections" that are to be held as an
exercise in "democracy.” It is very doubtful that an occupied
country, with war raging across vast swaths of its territory, can actually
have what we normally mean by elections. At present, Iraqis are living
in a situation where their sovereign rights are held in something of
a limbo, which began on June 28, when administrative responsibilities
were transferred from the U.S.-led Coalition Provisional Authority
and its appointed Iraqi Governing Council to the un-elected Iraqi Interim
Government backed by the U.S., which currently serves as a puppet regime.
This is the regime that is to organize the much-publicized "elections" in
which Iraqis shall be voting to elect the core of a transitional legislature – the
237-member National Assembly. It is the National Assembly that will
determine who serves in the executive branch, electing a President
and two Deputies of State. Collectively, these three officials would
form the state's Presidential Council, and must unanimously select
a Prime Minister to replace the present appointee. The task of writing
a durable Constitution may then begin.
All this charade has been possible because Iraq's senior Shia cleric,
Ayatollah al-Sistani, decided to cooperate with the Americans and calculated
that in the new communalized calculus of electoral politics which the
U.S. has devised for the previously secular Iraq, the Shia groupings
can collectively command a legislative majority and hence capture power
without fighting for it. The main Kurdish parties have of course had
an understanding with the U.S. since the early 1990s, and many of the
conservative elements among the Sunni clergy had also given their grudging
assent to these arrangements. However, once the destruction of Falluja
got going, the Islamic party, the largest Sunni grouping, resigned
from Allawi's interim government and the Association of Muslim Scholars
called for a boycott of the elections scheduled for January 2005. So,
the charade of the January elections is likely to witness very minimal
participation from at least the Sunni segment of the Iraqi population
and, at the time of writing, it is very far from clear how some of
the radical Shia groupings, such as Muqtada al-Sadr and his followers,
will eventually act in relation to these "elections.”
A protest in Istanbul against the U.S.' policies in West Asia.
Four things about this conjuncture can be said with some degree of
certainty. First, it is currently impossible to conduct normal, free
and fair elections in considerable parts of Iraq, and the legitimacy
of the results shall therefore be highly questionable. Secondly, regardless
of the results, these "elections" shall make little difference
to the conduct of the insurgency in the foreseeable future. Thirdly,
the processes through which the U.S., substantially aided by the U.N.,
has erected the new structures of power among its clients will serve
to communalize further what was until very recently a very vibrant
secular culture of Iraq, and shall in the long run pave the way for
the balkanisation of the country which the U.S.-Israeli axis desires
for not only Iraq but also the whole of the region. Fourthly, the U.S.
can certainly assemble a configuration of clients comprised of the
new political elite and the newly rich who are making money out of
this occupation, but the resistance shall continue to fight not only
for the eviction of the Americans but also for decimating the personnel
of the new state apparatus – the new Army, police and bureaucracy – which
the U.S. is assembling for itself and its clients. Americans may continue
to occupy but the resistance shall continue to deny them the ability
to administer or to exploit the country's resources; hence the attacks
not only on the Americans but also on their hirelings and the oil-related
installations.
The war in Iraq is costing the Americans dearly: in terms of the cumulative
financial costs of occupation; in having so much of its military personnel
pinned down in one little corner of the globe while the ambition was
to make multiple wars across West Asia and across the globe; in terms
of the loss of any kind of moral authority in consequence of the sheer
savagery and criminality of its mode of invasion and occupation; and
even in terms of the slow but unmistakable attrition of its personnel
in Iraq, where death and injury for its citizens has become a daily
occurrence and is bound to invoke a widespread rejection of this war
at home, sooner or later. By contrast, none of the gains the U.S. had
sought in Iraq and in the region as a whole has been realized, almost
two years after Baghdad fell, seemingly so easily: not the capturing
of the Iraqi oil, not the ability to use Iraq as the main military
base in the region so as to begin an orderly withdrawal from Saudi
Arabia, not the dream of using Iraq as a base for launching attacks
against Syria, Iran, Lebanon or whatever. A demonstration of the invincibility
of American power has come together with the overwhelming evidence
of the limits of American power of the ground. We can now witness an
imperial overreach even before they have reached very far.
Afghanistan is in this context almost not worth mentioning. That was
the first and indeed a very swift occupation, but one that was grandiosely
envisioned as the first of very many. The quagmire in Iraq put an equally
swift end to the dream of the “very many.” In the meanwhile, a client
regime of Hamid Karzai was put in place and then handed over to the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to keep him in place. Neither
Osama bin Laden nor Mulla Omar nor any other of the luminaries of the
Taliban regime has been captured. Any number of Americans are running
around in northern Pakistan, pretending to be catching bin Laden. My
sense is that the Americans are much more interested in securing bases
close to the Iranian border in Baluchistan, just in case the U.S. and/or
Israel ever feels free to strike at the Islamic Republic. The pseudo-elections
in Afghanistan are represented in the U.S.-inspired media as major
gains for democracy – non-theocratic democracy at that – but what we
mainly have is a narco-democracy, considering that opium production
there, stopped by the Taliban, has reached such proportions that the
crop in 2004 was the most abundant and most lucrative in the country's
history. The U.S. Office on Drugs and Crime released its Afghanistan
Opium Survey in late November, finding that opium cultivation had risen
by 64 per cent this year alone, with a total value of $2.8 billion,
and thus accounting for more than half of the country's domestic product
and spreading to all the provinces in Afghanistan. No wonder that drug
lords are the very backbone of the Karzai regime, notwithstanding all
the pious anti-narcotics pronouncements of the client and his overlords.
The evidence from Iraq and Afghanistan seems to suggest that the military
conquest of the globe is not going too well. What about the imperium
itself? Well, the long and short of it is that since the invasion of
Iraq began, the dollar has lost some 35 per cent of its value in relation
to the European Union's recently floated currency, the euro, not to
speak of the yen and the yuan and sundry lesser currencies of the world.
In the short run, the depreciated dollar boosts American exports, which
become cheaper, and discourages foreign producers to sell their goods
in the U.S., for which they would not get less, in terms of their own
currency. This can help the U.S. produce more, export more, and import
less, which then redresses a part of the problem with the current balance
of payments. The problem, however, is that since the dollar serves
not only as the national currency of the U.S. but also as the reserve
currency of the world, and as the principal currency for world trade,
notably oil trade, everyone wants to hold U.S. dollars and, consequently,
roughly 50 per cent of the U.S. dollars are held abroad. The specter
haunting the dollar today is that those foreigners who hold it – as
reserve currency, as medium of trade, as a share in the U.S. economy
and state debt – would get fed up with its decline and start exchanging
it for some other, better valued currency, such as the euro at present.
Had Saudi Arabia or Iran or Venezuela – or other oil-producing countries – traded
oil in euros over the past year, their earnings would have been roughly
30 per cent higher. The East Asian banks, which prop up the dollar
by buying such things as the U.S. Treasury bonds, have been losing
the value of their assets, as are governments such as the Chinese government,
which holds hundreds of billions of its reserves in dollars. Why should
they not shift to the euro, or at least substantially diversify. At
the very least, they could stop adding dollar-denominated assets to
their portfolios. The nightmare in the American Federal Reserve is
that any one of these major players may decide that the dollar is just
not worth it, and shift, prompting other players to shift, so that
the entire financial architecture that was built when the U.S. unilaterally
abandoned the gold/sterling standard and effectively replaced it with
the dollar would collapse. For, the unique privilege of America, derived
from the fact that its national currency serves as the world currency,
is that it can keep on printing dollars to finance its own huge budgetary
deficits and the national debt, because the rest of the world has gone
on taking over the surplus dollars for their own accumulation. What
happens if the demand for the dollar collapses?
Playing “chicken” with the world system
Now, obviously, no government or bank would want the American economy
to go into a major, irreversible crisis because that would spell deep
crisis for the global capitalist system as a whole; everyone would
prefer a soft, negotiated landing for the dollar. There are two problems,
however. First, the Bush administration seems unwilling to see that
the depreciation of the dollar, which helps American exports, is costing
others a very great deal, and the problem has to be settled through
multilateral negotiations; in economic policy, as in the policy of
imperialist expansion. The Bush administration prefers to act in a
myopic, unilateralist fashion. Secondly, the unpredictability of markets
and governments. A major Japanese bank, a major trading partner such
as China, can act to simply safeguard its own interests, and thus set
a trend, inadvertently, for others to follow – until it becomes a stampede.
One cannot safely predict anything in so volatile a situation. It is
possible to say, however, that the era of a straightforward dollar
domination may be drawing to a close and the era of currency wars may
be at hand. It may be in some respects a unipolar world but the lone
superpower, which is facing the complexities of a war of national liberation
in Iraq, may also be facing currency competitions in the financial
arena.
These pressures on the imperial center should also be seen in the
context of certain specific features of the current power dispensation
in the U.S. I wrote about two years ago that the Bush administration
may be the most right-wing administration that the U.S. has had since
at least the Second World War – as something of a culmination of trends
set in the days of Ronald Reagan. Well, the second Bush administration,
as it is taking shape after last month's elections, has moved even
further to the Right. Secretary of State Colin Powell, a professional
soldier, has been fired because he questioned the degree of U.S. support
for Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's extremists policies and replaced
with Condoleezza Rice, with her membership in the petroleum industry
and loyalty to the master's policies, and the dispute between the right-wing
Powell and the ultra-Right Donald Rumsfeld has been settled in favor
of Rumsfeld.
Printer friendly
Bush and Rice "We have lit a fire" cartoon.
The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) is being restructured so purposefully
to make it an instrument of Bush and his neo-conservative inner circle,
at the expense of the professionalism of its senior officials, that
a number of those professionals have resigned in protest. Bush has
chosen as his Attorney-General a man who had served as a senior White
House lawyer over the last four years and had justified the use of
torture in the interrogation of prisoners, thus implicitly upholding
the systematic torture practiced by the U.S. at Guantanamo Bay and
in Abu Ghraib prison. He thinks of himself as a born-again Christian
and, as such, has always had an affinity with Evangelical Christianity;
his re-election is owed so much to that organized tendency in his political
party that he is likely to draw even closer to it. He has inherited
from previous U.S. administrations the settled policy of unconditional
support for all that Israel is and does; he has already endorsed the
most belligerent aspects of Sharon's policy; the Zionist neo-conservatives
and the Evangelical-Zionist alliance have such a hold on his administration;
and Sharon has become so much a mentor and guide to him over the past
three years that he is likely to go along with whatever Israel now
proposes, whether in relation to the Palestinians or other elements
in the region, notably Iran.
In his victory speech after re-election, Bush said that he would now
go ahead and proceed to finish the task he had undertaken during his
first term. What was that task? As regards West Asia, that envisioned
task was not limited to the eradication of the Taliban regime or Saddam
Hussein's rule but the re-making of the region as a whole. Remarkably
enough, the only country in the region that needed no re-making was
Israel. In his very first State of the Union address, in January 2002,
Bush came forward with the resonant phrase, “Axis of Evil,” in which
any number of unnamed forces could be included but three names – Iraq,
Iran and North Korea – did stand out. They were “Evil” because they
were promoting “terrorism” and nuclear proliferation. Of these, North
Korea was of course not in the region but, unlike the other two, it
did possess some nuclear weapons, and could, therefore, be approached
only very cautiously, all the bluster notwithstanding.
By the time Bush spoke of the Axis of Evil, Afghanistan had been occupied
and the international ideological campaign to prepare the ground for
the invasion of Iraq was just getting under way. As the campaign unfolded,
the issues of `”terrorism” and nuclear proliferation were supplemented
with the objectives of eradicating Islamic fundamentalism and totalitarianism,
while promoting “democracy” and human rights. On these grounds, then,
any or all countries of West Asia could be objects of U.S. intervention – humanitarian
intervention in the sense that it was designed to eradicate evil and
promote virtue.
It was during this process, while an interventionist new policy was
being fashioned for West Asia as a whole that a qualitatively new relationship
between the U.S. and Israel was forged. Since at least 1967, if not
before, Israel had come to be seen by various administrations in Washington
as the one indispensable ally in West Asia upon which the U.S.
could rely as a bulwark against the turbulence that was sweeping other
countries in the region, where some regimes were already hostile towards
the U.S. (Gamal Abdul Nasser's Egypt, for example) and others could
arise in countries which were allies at the time but were prone to
unpredictable shifts (as happened in Iran with the sudden fall of the
Shah and rise of the Islamic Republic). Implicit in that alignment
was the idea that Israel, as a surrogate and regional sub-imperialist
power, could always intervene against regimes that the U.S. disliked
but could not punish directly, as Israel did unilaterally invade Egypt
and Syria in 1967. It was in view of this very special kind of alignment
that Israel was given immense amount of U.S. funds and weaponry but
was never held accountable for its cruelties against the Palestinians,
its development of nuclear weapons or its routine defiance of Security
Council resolutions. But the years of the Bush presidency witnessed
something more.
The key element here was that a group of neo-conservative and Zionist
ideologues – Wolfowitz, Richard Perle, Robert Feith, and so on – who
had occupied middle-rung positions in the Reagan administration and
had subsequently grown very close to some of the key leaders of the
Likud party in Israel, notably Benjamin Netanyahu, came to occupy key
positions in the Bush administration, especially in the Pentagon, and
began fashioning policies for the U.S. that were remarkably similar
to the ones that Sharon had been advocating for some two decades. Vice-President
Dick Cheney was a senior member of this group and in some ways the
protector and promoter of their ideas. Sharon himself had by then risen
to become Prime Minister in Israel, and in a flurry of visits to Washington
he now became Bush's mentor in delineating an over-all policy for the
region. Something of a sea change now occurred in the relationship
between the interlocutors. Israel had until then been a supplicant
for U.S. weapons and finances, and had wielded influence on U.S. policy
mainly through the pro-Zionist lobby in Washington and the Zionist
organisations, which kept a tab on U.S. Congressmen. Now, with the
ascendancy of Zionist neo-conservatives right up to the office of the
Vice-President, it was the U.S. policy that came to be shaped increasingly
in the shadow of Israeli policy. The events of September 11 proved
crucial in this turn of events.
A Zionist view of the world
The vilification of all things Arab and/or Islamic had gone through
three phases in the U.S. The first was the period of Nasserist anti-imperialist,
Arab nationalism, when secular nationalism itself was seen as a threat
to Western interests and to the very regimes, such as the Saudi regime,
which were protecting those interests. The second was the phase when
the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) suddenly raised
the price of petroleum in the wake of 1973, and the Western media were
studded with daily images of the Arab, bearded and dressed in Bedouin
clothes, turning off the tap at the American petrol pump. The third
was the phase that began with the Islamic Revolution in Iran that overthrew
the monarchy which had been, next to Israel itself, America's main
ally in the region. After September 11, all these images got rolled
into one, that of a transnational Muslim terrorist out to destroy the
American way of life in a gigantic clash of civilization, with no
regard to the fact that the particular kind of terrorist who had rammed
those
hijacked planes into the World Trade Center had been bred by the Americans
themselves for purposes of their own jihad against the communist
infidel in Afghanistan.
Two things now happened. One is that since this new “terrorist” was
a transnational Muslim, war against him was also to be waged in country
after country, across West Asia and even in pockets as far away as
Bali or the Philippines. Hence the neo-conservative dream of capturing
Baghdad, then Damascus, Riyadh, and finally Teheran. Second, and crucially,
Sharon was able to convince his Anglo-Saxon interlocutors, and Bush
in particular, that the Palestinian was the paradigmatic terrorist,
and no amount of repression of the Palestinian could ever be considered
excessive.
The four years of the Intifada, which began on September 28, 2000,
coincided almost exactly with the first four years of the Bush presidency.
The most reliable figures that I have seen conclude that 1,008 Israelis
and 3,334 Palestinians have been killed during these four years. Eighty-two
per cent of the Palestinians killed have been civilians, of whom 621
were children below the age of 17, and 10,000 Palestinian children
have been injured. The majority of the civilians killed were shot in
the head or the upper body.
During the same period, Israel has followed the policy of targeted
killing, that is, pre-meditated assassination unrelated to any kind
of combat, which has taken 424 lives. Economic blockades and dislocations
caused by the Israelis have resulted in the fact that 30 per cent of
all Palestinian children now suffer from malnutrition, more than one
billion worth of Palestinian infrastructure has been destroyed, Palestinian
gross domestic product (GDP) has been cut in half, the price of water
has tripled, and an average Palestinian consumes one-fifth of the water
consumed by an average Israeli. Occupied Palestinian roads are criss-crossed
with roads on which only Jews are allowed to travel, and the wall that
the Israelis have built in the name of their own security zigzags through
Palestinian territory, is three times as long and twice as high as
the Berlin Wall, separates people from their own communities, their
work place, hospitals and schools. The settled policy of demolishing
Palestinian houses in the service of Israeli interests has meant that
in Rafah alone, for example, an average of six homes are demolished
each day.
One could go on reciting details of such atrocities. But the single
slogan of "terrorism" is used in Israeli as well as American
and British media to excuse the Israelis and blame the Palestinians en
masse. Successive U.S. administrations have condoned all kinds
of Israeli atrocities and shielded Israel from any accounting in international
fora. The Bush administration has gone much further, however. Unlike
any previous U.S. administration, and in direct violation of numerous
Security Council resolutions, Bush has declared that the Palestinian
refugees have no right to return to their homes in Israel but will
have to be accommodated in the Palestinian territories, and that in
any final settlement Palestinians cannot expect to gain the territories
that were given to them by the U.N. Partition Plan of 1949 or even
all the territories they lost in 1967. He has gone further and endorsed
Sharon's plan to annex large parts of the West Bank, and has barely
stopped short of endorsing Sharon's overall plan which gives to the
Palestinians merely 11 per cent of the land of historic Palestine,
exactly half of what they had as late as 1967. In short, Israel has
an absolute right to do as it wishes, in violation of every clause
of the Fourth Geneva Convention and numerous U.N. resolutions.
Yasser Arafat died just as George W. Bush was getting re-elected for
a second term in office. As the Palestinian people lost the one man
who had symbolized their nationhood for 35 years, the Western media
were filled with virtual glee that there now was a chance for a new
leadership that would be acceptable to Israel as a negotiating partner.
And, indeed, Mahmoud Abbas (also known as Abu Mazen), who has been
in close touch with the Israelis for over a decade and is known to
be a notoriously corrupt man, soon emerged as the Fatah's candidate
for the presidency. The only man who could fight an election against
Abbas, Marwan Barghouti, is in an Israeli prison serving a sentence
amounting to five life-times. When Barghouti's wife filed papers of
his candidacy on his behalf, Israeli authorities immediately said that
he would not be acceptable as a Palestinian President. Israel may yet
get a successor of Arafat with whom it can make peace – on its own
terms. Will such a peace endure? Most unlikely. There shall then be
yet another Intifada, just as the resistance in Iraq shall continue
regardless of any puppet regime that might arise there.
First Strike, or Strike Out
Coordination between the U.S. and Israel is so close that it now becomes
impossible to distinguish between the two. Israelis have trained the
Kurdish Peshmargas under U.S. tutelage, and their forces are said to
be active on Turkish territory adjoining Iran. Israelis have even trained
U.S. forces deployed in Iraq, teaching them the techniques of urban
warfare they have deployed in such operations as in Jenin and Ramallah,
and which the U.S. has followed in Falluja. If the U.S. itself deployed
modified Israeli tanks and bulldozers in Iraqi towns, it has also given
to Israel state-of-the-art deep-penetration bombs, known as "bunker
busters" for a possible Israeli attack on Iran's nuclear installations.
Indeed, both the U.S. and Israel have threatened strikes against Iran,
and a large number of newspapers, from The Jerusalem Post to The
Los Angeles Times, have reported that both countries have carried
out simulation exercises in preparation for precisely such strikes.
Will there be such a strike, by one or both of them? It would be foolish
to predict one way or the other. Everyone knows that the U.S. did not
invade North Korea because it had nuclear weapons but invaded Iraq
because it did not. In context, one can believe that Iran actually
is trying to develop such a weapon. The U.S. is determined to overthrow
the current dispensation in Teheran, and the possibility that Iran
may succeed in breaking Israeli monopoly of nuclear power in West Asia
gives those designs a special urgency. But is it doable? A full-scale
invasion or prolonged war against Iran is impossible because the U.S.
is already over-committed next door, in Iraq, while Iran has real armed
forces and fairly advanced missiles with a formidable range. Moreover,
it seems to have made something of a devil's pact with the U.S.: so
long as Iran is left alone in peace it will restrain its friends among
the Shia clergy in Iraq. By the same token, any strike against Iran
shall bring forth an immediate mass Shia uprising in Iraq, in addition
to the Sunni one.
A prudent leader in Washington would keep the peace with Iran and
would also restrain Israel. Bush, however, did invade Iraq against
the advice of his own Chief of the Army Staff and without taking into
account the consequences. The same imprudence, combined with the Israeli
fear of a nuclear-armed Iran, may yet lead to targeted strikes. News
reports seem to suggest also that the U.S. is willing to take another
leaf out of the Israeli book, namely that of targeted assassinations.
In this scenario, strikes against selected targets would be combined
with operations to kill the key leaders and thus create deliberate
chaos in Teheran. That would amount to real madness, since the war
shall then spread not only to Iran but also, inevitably, to Syria and
Lebanon. But that too is part of the neo-conservatives' prescription:
a prolonged period of chaos, warfare and dismembering of the present
state structures in West Asia's Muslim countries, followed by the break-up
of every state into small, ethnically defined enclaves, with Greater
Israel dominating the whole.