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The sham of GOP Black voter outreach is over and the true Republican
mission has begun: suppress the African American vote, by any means
possible. To that end, the Bush men have enlisted the mercenary
services of Black front groups invented by rightwing foundations
in the Nineties to push for school vouchers and other elements
of the Republican agenda. These bought-and-paid-for servants of
the Hard Right took to the airwaves in August calling themselves People
of Color United and spending a rich white Republican
man’s money to attack Democratic presidential nominee John
Kerry as “rich, white and wishy-washy.”
Virginia Walden-Ford, the operative who placed
the attack ads on Black-oriented radio stations in the “battlefield” states of
Pennsylvania, Missouri, Michigan, Ohio and Wisconsin, is for all
practical purposes a paid agent of the Bradley Foundation of Milwaukee,
Wisconsin. She is a founding board member of the Black Alliance
for Educational Options (BAEO), the pro-school vouchers group conceived,
birthed and jump-started with at least $2 million in 1999 by the
far-right Bradley and Walton Family Foundations (Wal-Mart). Since
George Bush assumed office, BAEO and a host of its vouchers/privatization
siblings – each the incestuous spawn of the Right’s foundation
funding network – have collected over $77
million dollars in grants from Secretary Rod Paige’s Education
Department. In effect, Virginia Walden-Ford’s BAEO – which received
$1.3 million in federal funds – has been “graduated” to a Bush
administration functionary, while continuing to be subsidized by
the Walton family, Bradley, and other far-right moneybags. These
Black attack dogs are well fed.
Wallowing in the same sty
Walden-Ford’s personal fiefdom, DC Parents for School Choice,
which shares a phone line with BAEO, receives money directly from
the Bradley Foundation – $125,000 in 1999-2001, according to journalist
Barbara Miner. Writing in Shepherd
Express in Milwaukee – an attack ad target city – Miner reported
that Walden-Ford admitted also sharing Washington office space
with Alan Keyes, the loony, perennial Black Republican candidate
for office currently running against Barack Obama for U.S. Senator
from Illinois. Unleashed, Walden-Ford is rabid. Miner writes:
As part of last year's debate over a federal
voucher plan for Washington, D.C., her DC Parents group ran an
ad comparing Sen. Edward Kennedy (D-Mass.) to Bull Connor, who
set dogs against civil rights protesters. Another ad compared
Sen. Mary Landrieu (D-La.) to arch-segregationist George Wallace.
Walden-Ford’s previous boss, Robert L. Woodson,
Sr., founder of the Washington-based National Center for Neighborhood
Enterprise
(NCNE), served as an advisor to Republican House Speaker Newt
Gingrich in 1996. Woodson’s NCNE has received millions of
dollars from rightwing
foundations over the years, including Bradley. This year,
the Bush men gave NCNE a half million dollar Compassion
Fund grant to identify and develop faith-based organizations
to bring into the administration’s orbit. The Bradley Foundation
invented the faith-based concept for the Republicans, as a strategy
to bribe Black preachers into switching parties. Walden-Ford
and her mentor, Woodson, are both deeply embedded in the Bradley-Bush
matrix. As we said, this is an incestuous bunch.
The massive foundation – and now federal – funding
to a tiny gaggle of Black hustlers, and the tens of millions
now being
distributed to the Black clergy through faith-based initiatives,
is intended to create an alternative, conservative Black leadership,
or the illusion of one. It is a project in which the corporate
media eagerly collaborate. However, the political triumph of
this subsidized, corporate-selected, phony Black leadership cabal
is predicated on Republican rule. Therefore, their immediate
assignment: suppress the Black vote.
The Walden-Ford ads, which mimicked President
Bush’s charge
at the July National Urban League convention, that the Democrats
take African Americans “for granted,” are the “reverse of what
the Democrats try to do,” said Washington Post political writer
Thomas B. Edsall in the August 16 radio edition of the Tavis
Smiley Show. “The Democrats try to build turnout. These ads
try to suppress turnout. It’s an effort to keep the Black vote
down on the assumption that Blacks vote Democratic.”
Stephanie Tubbs Jones, the Black Democratic Congresswoman from
Cleveland and co-chair of the Democratic National Committee,
declared:
“The reason they’re running these ads…is that
Bush has no record with regard to African Americans he can run
on, so what he’s going to do is go to the negative side. They
are denigrating to African Americans, to think that African Americans
would be stirred by an ad such as this to suppress the Black
vote. The ads are paid for by white, rich Republicans.”
In an interview with Knight
Ridder newspapers, Bradley-Bush operative Virginia Walden-Ford
tried to frame the ads in positive terms. “I wanted people
to think about the accomplishments of the administration and
how it affects black people's lives," she said. But the
ads said nothing about the Bush administration or its policies – because
there is nothing appealing to say. They were designed purely
to discourage Blacks from voting.
Thus the farce – that Republicans were serious
about garnering 15 to 25
percent of the Black vote – came to an ignominious end, in
August. Back in January, Republican National Committee Chairman
Ed Gillespie swore that increasing the GOP share of the Black
vote was “a top, top priority.” Yet before the most intense campaign
media activity had even begun, the Republicans set their Black
attack dogs loose with ads that blamed Kerry’s absence from the
Senate floor during a vote in May for the failure to extend unemployment
insurance benefits – despite the fact that it was Republicans who
opposed the extension. "Maybe Kerry thought
the more of us who are unemployed and hurting – the more likely
we would vote Democratic!" said the ad – as dishonest and
cynical an example of campaign poison as has ever been broadcast
on Black-oriented radio. The ad wasn’t pro-Republican, it was
anti-Black voting. The “alternative,” conservative Black political
leadership so expensively cultivated by the GOP and its affiliated
foundations has one purpose: to neutralize African Americans
as a political force.
And no wonder. There is simply no match between
the broad Black political consensus and Bushite Republican
ideology and practice.
As Harvard social demographer Dr. Michael C. Dawson has observed,
Blacks “could all look like liberal Democrats compared to the
rest of them [whites], but among each other, some Blacks look
like Mondale Democrats, some of them look like Clinton Democrats,
and some of them look like Swedish Social Democrats – more of
them look like that." (See Analysis, November
21, 2002.) Bush-type Republicans do not exist in statistically
significant numbers in Black America, despite Armstrong Williams’ high
profile in the corporate media and Clarence Thomas’ odious presence
on the Supreme Court. Bush will certainly get more Black votes
than he deserves, based on actual commonality of opinion – somewhere
around the 8 percent he got in 2000. But the inferential data
are more dismal for the Republicans than in any election since
1964.
Black voters fired up
A July CBS/BET poll
of Black voters revealed the Grand Canyon that separates African
American opinion and that of whites – and the ocean that roils
between Bush and the Black electorate. Only 3 percent of Blacks
are “enthusiastic” about the Bush regime; 11 percent are “satisfied.” Just
11 percent believe the Bush presidency is legitimate, having
won the 2000 election fairly. (Only 32 percent of whites think
Bush is an illegitimate President.) A mere 8 percent of African
Americans say the Iraq war was “worth the cost.” Significantly,
only one in ten Blacks think vouchers are the best solution
to school problems.
The worst news for Republicans: 83
percent of Black registered voters told pollsters that they
would “definitely” vote
in November, up from 71 percent in 2000, when Blacks turned
out in record numbers in many areas. GOP leadership is determined
to blunt this fierce energy at all costs.
The Wild Card
There is a great anger among African Americans,
which can be invoked with the mention of a single word: Florida.
However, there is also a wild card out there, a joker that
Black America has never before had to confront: the electoral
effects of faith-based bribery of Black preachers. (See “Defunding
the Right Rev. Dr. Greedygut,” January
2, 2003.) Tens of millions of dollars have been doled out
by faith-based offices in most federal departments: Health
and Human Services, Housing and Urban Development, Labor, Justice,
Education, Agriculture, the Agency for International Development.
In June, the faith-based political grab bag was extended to
the Veterans Administration, the Small Business Administration
and the Department of Commerce.
Thousands of Black clergy – heavily weighted with
Pentecostals who, before the political money became available,
largely eschewed temporal, electoral affairs – have applied
for these grants and contracts. Are they capable of mobilizing
large congregations for Bush, against the better judgement – the
Black consensus – among church membership? The great anomaly
in the CBS/BET poll is Black antipathy to gay marriage. According
to the CBS/BET poll: “More than half
(53%) of African American voters think there should be no legal
recognition
of same-sex relationships. Among voters overall, 39% share
this view.”
This is Bush’s only opening for a “legitimate” inroad
on Black public policy opinion. As reported
in our November, 2002 Analysis of the Joint Center for Political
and Economic Studies survey of African American opinion, self-described
Black Christian “conservatives” in fact vote overwhelmingly “liberal” – that
is, Democratic. Will the huge influx of Bush faith-based money
sway the congregations? We shall see.
Crimes against citizenship
We estimate that the GOP and its
associated troglodyte affiliates spent about $7 million on
Black media – mostly radio – in
the 2002 non-presidential elections. 2004 will be a billion
dollar spending spree. We can expect Republican circles to
significantly increase their budgets for Black media this time
around – and that virtually all of it will go to negative,
attack ads, much of it fronted by their Black surrogates, largely
drawn from the phony school vouchers movement. They will masquerade
as “new” organizations such as Virginia Walden-Ford’s People
of Color United – but it’s the same corrupt crowd of Black
mercenaries, working for the Bradley Foundation, Wal-Mart and
Bush.
Meanwhile, the more familiar, down-and-dirty
forms of Black voter suppression will run rampant – that’s
why African Americans are so determined to vote, so that we
can make up for the theft
that is certain to be committed. MoveOn.org has joined Jesse
Jackson and other Black leaders to demand that the Republican
National Committee "disavow all forms of voter suppression,
including voter intimidation, misinformation, purges of voter
roles that disenfranchise qualified voters, the threat to discount
provisional ballots, and other actions that undermine the rights
of qualified Americans to vote." According to a paper issued
by the NAACP and People for the American Way, The Long Shadow
of Jim Crow:
This summer, Michigan
state Rep. John Pappageorge (R-Troy) was quoted in the Detroit
Free Press as saying, "If we do not suppress the Detroit
vote, we're going to have a tough time in this election."
Expect no quarter
It is foolish and ahistorical to
speak of the possibility of tactical alliances between Blacks
and the GOP.
One cannot forge an alliance with the man who has you in his
cross-hairs. After the 1964 presidential election, in which
Republican Barry Goldwater appealed direcly to the white Democrats
of the South, the GOP began to consciously morph itself into
the White Man’s Party in Dixie. Like the Dixie Democrats, the
Republicans fashioned campaigns that essentially ran against Black
people. It became the Dixiecrat party, and has structured
every national campaign strategy around its race-based stronghold
in the southern states. Minus that secure base, the GOP would
cease to be a national party – just as the Democrats would
cease to be a viable national party without overwhelming Black
support. This is the gridlock that history has bequeathed us,
which cannot be changed between now and November 2, or any
time in the forseeable future in the absence of the most intense
and consciously transformative work by Black activists and
progressive allies within and outside the Democratic Party.
In that sense, nothing has changed
since 1865. Except back then, the pro-slavery party (Democrats)
didn’t
have a pack of Black folks in suits suppressing the freedmens’ determination
to vote for Radical Republicans.
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